Make your own free website on Tripod.com

Chapter 5


Footnotes

The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, Vol. XI (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 1089.
Ellen Mickiewicz, Split Signals: Television and Politics in the Soviet Union (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), in the series Communication and Society, ed. by George Gerbner and Marsha Seifert, 29.
Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran and Janet Woollacott, Culture, Society and the Media (London and New York: Methuen,1983), 1.
Some members of this group, however, are characterized as the "media elite." The media elite exercises "operational control" over broadcasting and other media outlets, and makes decisions about how media resources are to be used. Some pluralists define the media elite as being comprised of those journalists who work for the big American television networks and other "influential media outlets," such as the New York Times. The "media elite" are well educated and often "liberal" and, according to the Washington-based Media Institute, some are less likely to agree with "free-market attitudes" and are often accused by conservatives of displaying "social values" which are not always sufficiently in tune with those of "corporate executives."
Compare: CNN Vs. the Networks: Is More News Better News? A Content Analysis of the Cable News Network and the Three Broadcast Networks, (Washington, D.C.: The Media Institute), xiii.
See also Graham Murdock, "Large Corporations and the Control of the Communications Industries," Culture, Society and the Media, Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran and Janet Woollacott, eds., (London and New York: Methuen, 1983, 118-122.
Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1960).
This model overlooks the question of what, in fact, are television outlets actually selling? For sale is sponsor access to audiences, to their time and attention. The commodity in question, therefore, is audience market segment and not television news or entertainment.
Jib Fowles, Why Viewers Watch: A Reappraisal of Television's Effects (Newbury Park: Sage Publishers, 1992), 84-90.
Fowles does concede, however, that his point of view is contested by those who have what he calls "anti-television sentiments." Such sentiments he calls "TV Priggery." TV Priggery, accordingly, stems from "social snobbery." "The affluent," claims Fowles, "and the highly educated, it has been demonstrated, watch virtually as much, and virtually the same sorts of programming as everyone else ... yet they strongly denounce the medium and its uncritical viewers... TV Priggery," Fowles continues, "is an ideology that is probably hypocritical and certainly arrogant."

The ideology of TV Priggery is derived from an outmoded sense of the nature of social life. Worshipping the past, they appreciate the world as it was, and insist that's how it still is. ...Having an authoritarian's perspective on things, seeing the world in terms of higher and lower ranks, they peer into the dimly visible mechanisms of mass communication and manage to find there the same sort of pattern, in which a looming television industry beams images at a hapless audience. Inferiors are under the control of superiors, just as in their reveries. Their antiquated model of the world-valid decades ago, yet still saluted by Prigs-is a deficient model of how communication works today. ...In the modern era, instruction continues to come from where it always has-the real world.

Jib Fowles, Why Viewers Watch, 100-104.
Compare Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1960), 21-22.
The pluralist model of society leaves little place for elites, in particular, an educated elite, whose "critical standards" no longer hold judgment nor shape opinion or tastes.
"...the critical standards of an educated elite no longer shape opinion or taste... Because of all this, the individual loses a coherent sense of self..."
Perhaps, in some ways, the lack of social elites is to be lamented, for the individual in modern society may lose a "coherent sense of self."
Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology, 38.
Dwight MacDonald, "A Theory of Mass Culture," Mass Culture, ed. B. Rosenberg, (New York: The Free Press, 1957) 59.
Dwight MacDonald, "A Theory of Mass Culture," 62.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran and Janet Woollacott (eds.), Culture, Society and the Media (London and New York: Methuen, 1983), 60.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 61.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 61.
Jeff Cohen, writing in Propaganda Review, online edition from the propaganda.rev conference on the IGC computer network.
Jib Fowles, Why Viewers Watch, quoting from Martin Seiden, Who Controls the Mass Media? (1975, 161), 78. See also the discussion (above) of the Nielsen Co. and its role in advertising.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 62, 85.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 62.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 86.
The Institute was removed to New York in 1933, and its best known theorists emigrated from Germany with it.
See Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Cambridge: Polity, 1994).
Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), 50-55.
Martin Lee and Norman Solomon, Unreliable Sources: A Guide to Detecting Bias in News Media (New York: Lyle Stuart, 1980), 104.
J. Fred MacDonald, Television and the Red Menace: The Video Road to Vietnam, 1985.
J. Fred MacDonald, Television and the Red Menace.
Martin Lee and Norman Solomon, Unreliable Sources: A Guide to Detecting Bias in News Media (New York: Lyle Stuart, 1980), 104.
Martin Lee and Norman Solomon, Unreliable Sources, 110.
Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), xiii.
Dan Hallin, The "Uncensored War," 8.
Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), 50-55. To quote Marcuse directly:

This sort of well-being, the productive superstructure over the unhappy base of society, permeates the "media" which mediate between the masters and their dependents. Its publicity agents shape the universes of communication in which the one-dimensional behavior expresses itself. Its language testifies to identification and unification, to the systematic promotion of positive thinking and doing...(85)
How can such protest and refusal find the right word when the organs of the established order admit and advertise that peace is really the brink of war, that the ultimate weapons carry their profitable price tags, and that the bomb shelter may spell coziness? (90)
This language controls by reducing the linguistic forms and symbols of reflection, abstraction, development, contradiction; by substituting images for concepts. It denies or absorbs the transcendent vocabulary; it does not search for but establishes and imposes truth and falsehood. ...The new touch of the magic-ritual language rather is that people don't believe it, or don't care, and yet act accordingly. One does not "believe" the statement of an operational concept but it justifies itself in action--in getting the job done, in selling and buying, in refusal to listen to others, etc. (103)

Jib Fowles, Why Viewers Watch, 84-90.
Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, 103.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 85.
Graham Murdock, "Large Corporations and the Control of the Communications Industries."
Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), 50-55.
One [meaning the audience] does not "believe" the statement of an operational concept but it justifies itself in action--in getting the job done, in selling and buying, in refusal to listen to others, etc. (103)
Graham Murdock, "Large Corporations and the Control of the Communications Industries," 143-147.
Graham Murdock, "Large Corporations and the Control of the Communications Industries," 143-147.
See also Michael Parenti, Make-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992).
Herman and Chomsky's study, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988)certainly goes a long way in offering "hard facts" necessary for reveal the dealings at higher levels.
Graham Murdock, "Large Corporations and the Control of the Communications Industries," 143-147.
Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary (London & Glasgow: Collins, 1987), 718.
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Die Deutsche Ideologie, Vol. 3, Werke (Berlin: Dietz-Verlag, 1968), 46-47. [Translation mine.]
Dieter Ulle, ed., Imperialismus und Kultur (München: Kübiskern Tendenzen, 1975), 384. [Translation mine.]
See also N. S. Biryukov, Television in the West and Its Doctrines, (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1981), 1-2.

Television is one of the mass media. It is both the scene and instrument of ideological warfare between the forces of progress and those of reaction in today's world. It involves millions of people in ideological battles in all continents...

Robert Phillipoff, "Aspects of Monopoly Domination of the Mass Media," Political Affairs, July-August 1977, 31.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 84.
L. Althusser, quoted in Rosalind Coward and John Ellis, Lanugage and Materialism: Developments in Semiology and the Theory of the Subject, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 67.
The vocabulary used by such critics exposes this tendency to lump all the elements of the superstructure together into one manipulative, well-functioning machine. Consider, for example, this quotation from N. S. Biryukov, Television in the West and Its Doctrines, 205:

The important thing in any study of bourgeois television is to analyze its apparatus, to identify the leverage, by which the ruling class manipulates and runs television. It is worthwhile to recall how President Charles de Gaulle during a meeting with President Kennedy asked: "How can you govern without controlling television?"

Dowling refers to this form of Marxism as "teleological" or "theological" Marxism "that takes over Hegel's Absolute Spirit and simply transforms it into the Economy, an essence at work behind the scenes determining all the phenomena of the surface." This transforms Marx "into the teller of a salvational story rather than a scientific theorist of historical laws."
William C. Dowling, Jameson, Althusser, Marx (London: Methuen, 1984), 63.
Marx's "salvational story" becomes very problematic when the working class continues to adopt and identify with the "false consciousness" propagated by their ideological masters. Compare, once again, N. S. Biryukov, Television in the West and Its Doctrines, 205-207, who writes:

Bourgeois ideologists assign a special role to the "free flow of information" doctrine exploiting it as a cover-up for ideological expansion of the imperialist countries in world politics. ...The intellectual life of modern society is unthinkable without television which is a potent influence on the moulding of the human personality and of public opinion. ...But whatever clever subtleties bourgeois ideologists resort to, however sophisticated the technical facilities they employ, bourgeois ideology is incapable of winning the hearts and minds of working people...

According to William C. Dowling, Jameson, Althusser, Marx, 66-67:

...Once we add up the elements of a structure and the relations among them we find ourselves confronting a totality that can be seen as such only as it includes something else, and this "something else" is nothing other than structure itself.

As Dowling points out, Althusser views ideologies "as having an intimate relation to the way economic systems in general and capitalism in particular work to conceal their essential operations while presenting to those who inhabit them an illusory appearance of things." Accordingly, ideology is the means by which "this same process of self-occultation occurs at the level of collective consciousness or thought." Ideology, therefore, is "not illusion merely but necessary illusion produced by the operations of the system itself" and "expresses not the relation between men and their real conditions of existence but the way men live the relation between themselves and their real conditions of existence. So ideology, far from being false consciousness merely, expresses its own kind of truth." See: William C. Dowling, Jameson, Althusser, Marx, 77.
Roland Barthes, Mythologies (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 116.
Roland Barthes, Mythologies, 125.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 68.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 70.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 86-87.
In media research this new approach can be very useful. "A particular historical conjuncture" can also be more easily located and isolated when dealing with audiences in a cross-cultural environment.
Compare Philip Bonosky (The Background to American Literature Since the War, Potsdam, 1967, 22) who writes of a "massive assault on the American mind," comparable to "the attack on the German mind by...the Nazi Party."
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 86-87.
During a recent public appearance in North Carolina, Senator Jesse Helms warned: "Mr. Clinton better watch out if he comes down here... He'd better have a bodyguard."
In very clear language Helms was warning the President of the United States to stay away from his home state of North Carolina, with the suggestion that he could be shot and killed. The local Raleigh newspaper, The News and Observer (N&O), tries to smooth over Helms' crude language, language which might be acceptable in Helms' immediate circles, but which could possibly upset consensus opinion in the country as a whole and endanger Helms' succession as chairperson of the prestigious and powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The N&O's article illustrates Hall's concept of the "functionality" of the media in "demonstrating the accountability" of dominant groups in society to the opinions of the "popular majority," that is, the assumed "sovereign will of the people."
According to the N&O article:

Helms, 73, has begun moving toward seeking another term in 1996, and he has authorized supporters to organize a campaign for him. ...Helms has been a polarizing figure in North Carolina politics ever since his days as an editorialist on WRAL-TV. ...The remark [about the bodyguard and Clinton] cost the senator few political points... [Italics mine] Helms' standing...dipped only slightly, a statewide poll ...found. ...45 percent of North Carolinians polled approve of the job Helms is doing.
The N&O poll found North Carolinians have more confidence in Helms' ability to chair the Foreign Relations Committee than they have in Clinton's ability to serve as commander in chief...

Individual comments were also recorded for the newspaper's report. Nothing condemning of Helms was mentioned by the N&O report, nor the fact that Helms' election campaign for the senate, against Gantt of Charlotte, was the most expensive senate race in American history (the Huffington campaign in California broke that record in 1994). According to the N&O, "The telephone survey of 608 North Carolina adults was taken Dec. 5 to Dec. 11 by FGI Research..." The only comments recorded from those who were polled by FGI were, for the most part, approving. For example:

"I thought it was kind of blown out of proportion... "
"That comment could have been in a joking manner... "
"It's Jesse the old WRAL commentator..."
Sam Currin, a Raleigh attorney and Helms political adviser, said that in general he was pleased with the poll's findings.
"My view is that the poll results are fairly good..."
From The News and Observer, December 18, 1994, Edition N, Helms poll.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies," 86-87.
Hall's own research has revealed that "the broadcasting structures must yield encoded messages in the form of a meaningful discourse..." and, when messages are broadcast and "re-enter" the social sphere, their ability to influence, entertain, instruct or persuade depends on audience reception. "Audience reception" means that, in the case of a television program or newspaper article (see previous footnote about the reporting on Senator Helms), it must be accepted as meaningful discourse, decoded and fit into the existing frameworks of knowledge [Emphasis mine] which, according to Hall, conform with relations of production and the technical infrastructure.
For example, in a later edition of the Raleigh News and Observer (December 21, 1994), in a "byline," Rob Christensen reported on the same poll (mentioned in footnotes above), taken for the N&O by FGI, "a Chapel Hill-based marketing firm," on December 5-11. This poll of 608 adults found that

North Carolinians now trust Republicans more than Democrats to govern... A large majority said Republicans are more likely to promote morality and personal responsibility, bring about needed change, reform welfare, reform government, work to strengthen the middle class and fight crime.
Mike Wilson, 20, a plumber from Graham, said he thinks Republicans are more likely to represent his interests.
"I think they stand more for the people, than for the government," Wilson said.
The Democrats are also losing working people such as Mary McGraw of Mills River because of such issues as homosexual rights and because of allegations of philandering by the president. McGraw recently lost her job at an electronics plant near Asheville that moved to Mexico. At age 52, she is worried about how she is going to find another job that will pay $10 per hour.
"The rich are getting richer and the rest are right on the bottom," McGraw said.
Although she voted for Clinton in 1992, she said she would never vote for him again.
"I'm not interested in lesbians representing me," she said. "He [Clinton] has gotten away from God. He has no morals whatsoever."

Todd Gitlin: The Whole World is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 252.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 252.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching,177
Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebook, quoted in Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 178.
This quote illustrates and support's Gitlin's assertion that the Vietnam war opened up deep and lasting lacerations in American society. It is no denying that the "crisis" which occurred in the 1960s, in spite of the changes brought about during the Reagan and Bush Administrations, has persisted to this day and that despite these attempts, the conservative forces in the United States are still struggling to defend and cure the present maladies affecting the damaged structure of American society. It is upon this terrain that we witness the ideological, religious, juridical, philosophical and political polemics of the 1990s. Worth noting in particular are the polemics used by the Republican Party in their "Contract with America," as well as the objections raised by opposition forces, especially the "Rainbow Coalition." It is precisely here, at the conjuncture of resistance to this "contract," that one can find a fruitful source of material for the study of conservative ideology in the United States.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 180.
Stuart Hall, "Culture, the Media and the 'Ideological Effect,'" Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran and Janet Woollacott, eds., Mass Communication and Society, 332.
Stuart Hall, "Culture, the Media and the 'Ideological Effect,'" 332.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 253.
"Containment" here is used in the sense that ideologies are themselves social strategies of containment. See William C. Dowling, Jameson, Althusser, Marx, 84-85.
Roland Barthes, Mythologies (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 116-125.
See Madeleine Mathiot,ed., Ethnolinguistics: Boas, Sapir and Whorf Revisited (Series title: Contributions to the Sociology of Language)(The Hague: Mouton, 1979).
Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye, eds., (LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1986).
Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Scope of Anthropology (Series title: Cape Editions) (London: Cape, 1967).
Marxists assume that language has materialist origins. This notion was first expressed most clearly by Engels in his Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschenwerdung des Affen. Engels' essay, which not only borrowed from the same Enlightenment traditions which influenced American critical thought, developed many of his ideas from nineteenth century Darwinian concepts. Engels emphasized the part played by human labor in the social development of the human species, while the physical act of labor is the key to understanding the Marxist-materialist approach, because it is labor which forced primitive humans to draw closer together. Humans formed communities in order to facilitate their own survival which was attained through mutual cooperation and, ultimately, the production of the means of their own existence. Over a period of time, the spiraling complexity of the evolution of the means of production resulted in a more complex division of labor involving such tasks as the securing and production of food and clothing "factors which gave primitive humans," as Engels expressed it, "something to talk about."
Human speech and language, therefore, are regarded by Marxists as being material in origin and derived from material being, and as a consequence, the study of language demands that the broader social context be examined, including the political economy of the society in which that language is spoken. Marxists consider speech and language as essential instruments of human survival which evolve simultaneously and in a direct relationship with human consciousness, which, itself, developed as a result of the ability to speak. The division of labor, when used in the production of commodities, made cooperation between classes even more essential, but the struggle for control over society's means of production structured society in such a way that human beings became divided along class lines. This division is also reflected in human consciousness.

Der "Geist" hat von vornherein den Fluch an sich, mit der Materie "behaftet" zu sein, die hier in der Form von bewegten Luftschichten, Toenen, kurz der Sprache auftritt. Die Sprache ist so alt wie das Bewusstsein-die Sprache ist das praktische, auch fuer andre Menschen existierende, also auch fuer mich selbst erst existierende wirkliche Bewusstsein, und die Sprache entsteht, wie das Bewusstsein, erst aus dem Beduerfnis, der Notdurft des Verkehrs mit andern Menschen. Das Bewusstsein ist also von vornherein schon ein gesellschaftliches Produkt und bleibt es, solange ueberhaupt Menschen existieren.

See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Werke, Vol. 20: Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschenwerdung des Affen (Berlin: Dietz-Verlag, 1968), 446-448.
Linguistics, as we know it in America, was in fact the first of the humanities to adopt scientific methods with successful results. Joshua Fishman once compared this trend in language study to mathematics. "As if," he noted "it is something that existed above and beyond its users and its uses."
Joshua Fishman, ed., Readings in the Sociology of Language (Mouten: The Hague, Paris, 1968), 7.
To compensate, the concept of "sociolinguistics" grew in popularity during the 1970s, evidence of the complex needs of a narrow, but still empirical and methodological approach. However, in the early 1970s Robin Lakoff wrote that "the notion that contextual factors, social and otherwise, must be taken into account...is scarcely new."
Robin Lakoff, "Language in Contact," Language, 48, 1972, 926.
The term "sociolinguistics" was most probably coined in Russian, by B.A. Larin, who wrote about a sociologiceskaja lingvistika.
Rainer Eckert, "Zur Problematik Sprache und Gesellschaft in der Geschichte der sowjetischen Sprachwissenschaft," Zeitschrift für Politik und Sozialkritik, 29, 5/6, 1976, 459.
In Russia, as early as the 1920s, the linguist R.O. Sor (1894-1939) was already writing about the socially and culturally based nature of language which she said should no longer be characterized as just a biological function, but instead "a traditional cultural achievement...." Sor emphasized that, "the meaning of a word is an inter-individual phenomenon which exists in communication, and is the scientific basis for the social theory of language."
R. O. Sor, Jazyk i obscestvo (Moskva: Rabotnik Prosvescenija, 1926) cited in Rainer Eckert, "Zur Problematik Sprache und Gesellschaft in der Geschichte der sowjetischen Sprachwissenschaft," 461.
John Leonard, The Nation, December 27, 1993.
Ibid.
See Chapter 4, above, in which it was pointed out that "Only a handful of multinational corporations control what most Americans see, hear and read" [claim Martin Lee and Norman Solomon in Unreliable Sources: A Guide to Detecting Bias in News Media (New York: Lyle Stuart, 1980) 72-74]. Or, according to John Pilger, ninety per cent of international news comes from the "big four" western news agencies: United Press International (UPI), Associated Press (AP), Reuter and Agence France Presse (AFP). Supplementing the "big four" are the "transnational giants," which include Murdoch's empire, Time-Warner and CNN (John Pilger, "Information is Power: Control of the World Media Keeps the Poor in Their Place." The New Statesman. November 15, 1991, 11). Or, Alan Bell's academic research of the "big four" news agencies has shown that they "...provide...33 million words a day...about 2500 stories..." These agencies, says Bell, "are operated by a handful of people at each point... News agencies are important also for the formative role they played in developing notions of what media regard as news...they set the day-by-day agenda for what other media cover. They also help set the overt linguistic agenda..." (Alan Bell, The Language of News Media,, 48-50).
John Fiske, Television Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 1987), 80-85.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 80-81.
John Fiske, "Women and Quiz Shows," Mary Ellen Brown, ed., Television and Women's Culture (London: Sage Publications, 1990), 134-143.
By "left" is meant, in this case, those who adhere to some of the theories which were popularized by the "Frankfurt School" during the 1960s, especially in the United States.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 81.
John Fiske, interview in Turku, Finland, winter 1992.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 39.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 39. Quoting from Barthes' Mythologies, London:Cape, 150.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 140.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 140.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 80.
Quotations were taken from a recent study made of the popular American news program with an "in depth" format on ABC, Nightline. The study was made by William Hoynes and David Croteau at Boston College's Sociology Department, after an examination of the guest list for all of Nightline's 865 programs over a forty month period (January 1, 1985 - April 30, 1988) identified the most frequent guests to be Henry Kissinger, Alexander Haig, Elliott Abrams and Jerry Falwell. Additionally, 89 percent of the US guests were men, 92 percent were white, and 80 percent were professionals, government officials, or corporate representatives.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 309.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 311.
Fiske is quick to point out that audiences inevitably reject public broadcasting for their commercial competitors. (From an interview in Turku, Finland, winter 1992.)
For example, Fiske concludes that audiences are the active agents who construct their own meanings from commercial television programming, although these meanings are socially determined (but, as he insists, not "a mechanistic, singular, cause and effect process"). The striking coincidence that many of Fiske's conclusions concur with pluralists, like Fowles (Jib Fowles, Why Viewers Watch: A Reappraisal of Television's Effects. Newbury Park: Sage Publishers, 1992, 78), who represents industry, commercial and pluralist views, and who also insists that "reliance on audience ratings" enables media to respond "to the majority" of viewers, must still be investigated.
To completely embrace Fiske's approach, it seems, would place the concerned critic in danger of over-emphasizing radical rhetorical analysis while under-emphasizing the actual operations of the capitalist economy and the culture over which it exercises hegemony.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 80.
There are many reasons, but one is, no doubt, that many of the methods used in language study were inherited from the prestigious natural sciences. It is only in more recent years that, as Kaplan has pointed out, "rhetoric intent..., coherence" and the "world view" have become acceptable objects of linguistic enquiry. Now, the practice of including "extralinguistic" elements has finally come into its own, and attempts are being made to rectify the narrow belief that a text's basics, that is, syntax and lexicon, are sufficient for understanding all of the messages contained within texts. See: Robert Kaplan, "Concluding Essay: On Applied Linguistics and Discourse Analysis," ed Robert Kaplan, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, Vol. II, 1990, 202-203.
Ruth Wodak, ed., Language Power and Ideology: Studies in Political Discourse (London: Benjamins Publishing Company, 1989), xv-xvii.
Robert Kaplan, "Concluding Essay: On Applied Linguistics and Discourse Analysis," 202-203.
Robert Kaplan, "Concluding Essay: On Applied Linguistics and Discourse Analysis," 202-203.
Robert Kaplan, "Concluding Essay: On Applied Linguistics and Discourse Analysis," 202-203.
Gunter Kress, "Critical Discourse Analysis," Robert Kaplan, ed., Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, II, 1990, 84-85.
Gunter Kress, "Critical Discourse Analysis," Robert Kaplan, ed., Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, II, 1990, 84-85.
Gunter Kress, "Critical Discourse Analysis," Robert Kaplan, ed., Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, II, 1990, 84-86.
Gunter Kress, "Critical Discourse Analysis," Robert Kaplan, ed., Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, II, 1990, 84-85.
Gunter Kress, "Critical Discourse Analysis," Robert Kaplan, ed., Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, II, 1990, 84-85.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., Handbook of Discourse Analysis, 4, 27-42.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., Handbook of Discourse Analysis, 4, 31.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 31.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 31.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 31.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," 34.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 34.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 34.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 37.
Gunter Kress, "Ideological Structures in Discourse," Teun van Dijk, ed., 37.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, in Robert Miles, ed., Critical Studies in Racism and Migration, (New York: Routledge, 1991), 44.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 45.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 47.
John Fiske, Television Culture, 81.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 37. By this, presumably, Van Dijk means the Frankfurt school.
Once again, compare with Stuart Hall's conclusions which are that "the broadcasting structures must yield encoded messages in the form of a meaningful discourse..." and, when messages are broadcast and "re-enter" the social sphere, their ability to influence, entertain, instruct or persuade depends on audience reception. "Audience reception" means that, in the case of a television program or newspaper article (see previous footnote about the reporting on Senator Helms), it must be accepted as meaningful discourse, decoded and fit into the existing frameworks of knowledge [Emphasis mine] which, according to Hall, conform with relations of production and the technical infrastructure.
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies, in Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran and Janet Woollacott (eds.), Culture, Society and the Media (London and New York: Methuen, 1983) 86-87.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 181.
See the discussion of journalism and control over media messages in Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the Repressed in Media Studies, 86-87.
Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language (New York: Doubleday, 1959), 78-80.
Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language, 78-80.
Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language, 62.
Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language, 62.
One crucial question which must go unanswered is: Will these changes be advantageous to Finnish society as a whole? This question is especially important when we consider that these changes in broadcasting may become an implicit, "natural" part of the Finnish definition of "news," and even precede other changes in the perspective which Finns now have on their society and the world around them.
See Madeleine Mathiot,ed., Ethnolinguistics: Boas, Sapir and Whorf Revisited (Series title: Contributions to the Sociology of Language)(The Hague: Mouton, 1979).
Stuart Hall, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology': Return of the repressed in media studies," in Culture, Society and the Media, Gurevitch, et.al. (eds.) (New York: Methuen, 1983), 66-67.
M. Gurevitch, T. Bennet, J. Curran and J. Woollacott, eds., Culture, Society and the Media (London and New York: Methuen, 1982), 303.
Umberto Eco, Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 3, 1972, "Towards a semiotic inquiry into the television message, " 106.
Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language, 114-115.
Milton J. Bennet, "Towards Ethnorelativisim: A Development Model of Intercultural Sensitivity," R. M. Paige, ed., Education for the Intercultural Experience (Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press), Chapter 2.
Hartmut Schroeder, "Lacunae" and the Latent Problems of Understanding Texts from Foreign Cultures: On the Application of an Ethnopsycholinguistic Model in Studying the Textual Aspects of International Product Marketing (unpublished manuscript).
Astrid Ertelt-Vieth, for example, in Kulturvergleichende Analyse von Verhalten, Sprache und Bedeutungen im Moskauer Alltag, Beiträge zu Slavistik XI, Herbert Jelitte, ed., (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1991), and I. J. Markovina and J. A. Sorokin from a collection of essays, in Russian, Text as a Manifestation of Culture, 1989.
Astrid Ertelt-Vieth, Kulturvergleichende Analyse von Verhalten.
Schroeder quotes Markovina and Sorokin, 113.
Schroeder quotes I. J. Markovina and J. A. Sorokin from a collection of essays, in Russian, Text as a Manifestation of Culture, 1989, 184.
Schroeder quotes Markovina and Sorokin, 113.
Hartmut Schroeder, "Lacunae" and the Latent Problems of Understanding Texts from Foreign Cultures: On the Application of an Ethnopsycholinguistic Model in Studying the Textual Aspects of International Product Marketing (unpublished manuscript).
John J. Gumperz, Discourse Strategies (Studies in Interactional Sociolinguistics 1) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 172-173.
Astrid Ertelt-Vieth, Kulturvergleichende Analyse von Verhalten, Sprache und Bedeutungen im Moskauer Alltag, Beiträge zu Slavistik XI, Herbert Jelitte, ed., (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1991), 108 -110. The concept of the lacuna in language and culture was developed in Russian ethnolinguistics and revitalized in the 1970s. Basically, this has to do with "das Problem von der Nichtuebereinstimmung in der verbalen Kategorisierung der realen Wirklichkeit in verschiedenen Sprachen." Furthermore, "die Rolle von Sprache läuft also darauf hinaus, dass sie als Mittel zur Aufbewahrung von Verhaltensstandards auftritt, die bei der Planung neuer Handlungen beruecksichtigt werden."
Ertelt-Vieth, 124. Leontiev stressed the social significance of communication, especially the need to avoid the misconception that society is an entity made up of isolated personalities with their own inner organization. It is a mistake to look at language and communication as the individual evolution of communicative ability used solely for building bridges between isolated personalities. Quite the contrary: the individual is a carrier of particular psychological, physiological and anatomical characteristics typical of a particular society and culture. The individual, therefore, is the modus by which a given society organizes itself as a whole.(See Leontiev/Sorokin/Tarasov, Ed., Nacional'no -- kul'turnaja specifika recevogo obscenija narodov SSSR (Moscow: Nauka, 1982), 25.
Robert R. Kaplan, "Concluding Essay: On Applied Linguistics and Discourse Analysis," Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, Vol. II, 1990, 203.
Astrid Ertelt-Vieth, Kulturvergleichende Analyse von Verhalten, Sprache und Bedeutungen im Moskauer Alltag, Beiträge zu Slavistik XI, Herbert Jelitte, ed., (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1991), 108 -110.
Stuart Hall's essay, "The Rediscovery of 'Ideology'" goes into this question in detail (especially note page 71). See Gurevitch, et.al., Culture, Society and the Media (Methuen: New York, 1983), 56-90.