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Chapter 7


Footnotes

Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making & Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).
See the discussion of "cueing" in Roger Fowler, Language in the News: Discourse and Ideology in the Press (London: Routledge, 1991), 62.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching, 7.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching, 26-27.
Some fundamental strategies of framing which have been employed by television news are, according to Gitlin, trivialization of important events; emphasis on certain incongruous topics (such as internal dissension within the movement against the war in Vietnam and marginalization of essential themes within the story); disparagement of the anti-war movement's overall political importance and an over-reliance on government statements at the expense of available news stories; and exaggerated emphasis on certain "emotional" topics, such as violence and the use of flags.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching, 6-9.
The necessity of "frames," or "news frameworks," has been discussed extensively by Peter Braham, "How the Media Report Race," in , M. Gurevitch, T. Bennet, J. Curran and J. Woollacott, eds., Culture, Society and the Media (London and New York: Methuen, 1982), 275-279.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching, 6-9.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching, 7.
Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebook, quoted in Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 178.
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching,, 12.
Umberto Eco, Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 70.
Umberto Eco, Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language, 70.
Eco also points to the fact that such statements can elicit "a lot of presuppositions, but these presuppositions are governed by preexisting frames."
Therefore, when a text theory aims to establish a "frame for frames" [J.S. Petöfi, "A Frame for Frames," Proceedings of the Second Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society. (Berkeley: University of California, 1976)], it is attempting both to discover textual rules and to set up a more organized and comprehensive notion of code as encyclopedic knowledge.
Umberto Eco, Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language, 70.
See also Van Dijk's Chapter 7, subtitled "Presupposition," in which he states that:
Presuppositions are a special case of implications. In formal terms, a presupposition is often defined as a proposition that is semantically implied (entailed) by a statement as well as by the denial of that statement. The statement "The police have stopped the 'softly softly' approach", and the denial of that sentence, "'The police have not stopped the 'softly softly' approach" both imply that the police in fact had a 'softly softly' approach to policing the inner cities. Thus, presuppositions convey information that is supposed to be known and shared by the writer and the reader, and which therefore need not be stated. In this way, the Press may indirectly and sometimes rather subtly state things that are not 'known' by the readers at all, but which are simply suggested to be common knowledge.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 183.
Umberto Eco, Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language, 71.
Teun Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 181.
Cultural competence which is not shared can lead to gaps or misunderstandings in communication.
For a closer look at hypertext, see: Philip C. Seyer, Understanding Hypertext: Concepts and Applications (Blue Ridge Summit, PA: Windcrest, 1991).
Deborah Tannen, Framing in Discourse (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993) 14-15.
Deborah Tannen, Framing in Discourse, 14-21.
Ruth Wodak, "The Power of Political Jargon," Language, Power and Ideology: Studies in Political Discourse (Benjamins Publishing Company, 1989), xv-xvii and 140.
Ruth Wodak, Language, Power and Ideology, 141.
Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 13.
Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 13-15.
Just as in the process of cueing, the production of frames creates messages which prevail in news stories and even determine the tone of news reports, thereby communicating unspoken assumptions lying behind the frame. Such assumptions, expressed through the frame, are not necessarily meant to conceal or hide any facts in particular. As already stated, frames could be and are used for commercially competitive purposes, but can also be applied to a political campaign, or used in some special way for financial gain by a particular sponsor, or used for some overtly ideological purpose, such as propaganda in a war. Frames can and are, therefore, used to communicate "ideological surroundings."
According to Journalism professors Newsom and Wollert:

The first part of a story is hardest to write--the lead. ...studies have shown that newspaper readers devote only about 30 minutes a day to reading the paper. And other messages, via TV, radio, direct mail, magazines and other newspapers (or other articles, and advertisements, in the same newspaper), are constantly competing for their attention. ...Readers must want to read. They must take the initiative: pick up a paper, open to a page, scan the headlines and ads, and decide what to read. It's a lot easier to sit in front of a television set and let somebody else do the work. Or to listen to news on the radio...
The tradition advice to the beginning newswriter is to use "inverted pyramid" structure: Begin with the most important facts and work down to the least important. But a news story is not just a list of facts, arranged in an order that indicates importance. The story must flow from point to point, providing readers both with the essential factual elements and the incidental information needed...
Doug Newsom and James A. Wollert, Media Writing: News for the Mass Media, (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1985)72, 83.
Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 15.
Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 15.
Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 28-29.
Gitlin explains this process in detail:

Television has a very different relation to its audience. A newspaper reader can browse at will from story to story; television must "carry the audience along" from the beginning of each story to the end and on to the next. So a television story is often more like a circle than a pyramid. It introduces its central theme at the beginning, develops it throughout the story, though perhaps with twists and turns dictated by problems of balance or ideological tensions the journalist may consciously or unconsciously be trying to resolve, and returns to it in a closing line that "wraps the story up." This is often true not only of the individual story but of "segments"--groups of stories placed together between two commercials--and even of the news broadcast as a whole.

Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 28-29.
For an example from CNN's Prime News llustrating this structure, see appendix.
Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 28-29.
See Chapter 6, above (lacuna 6): "Asking the experts and giving free publicity on television."
The on-going O.J. Simpson story is, perhaps, the most successful and best-known framed story of recent commercial television reporting history.
According to David Altheide, writing in "News as Advertising," from the media.issues newsgroup on PeaceNet.
From media.issues on PeaceNet. (Altheide quotes Judd Parkin of ABC from an article in Newsweek, May 24, 1993).
See Gitlin, above, Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 28-29.
Include Primeau's other categories as well.
Ronald Primeau, The Rhetoric of Television (Longman: New York, 1979).
"Epideictic," according to The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1984 edition), is defined as "meant for effect or display." It is derived from the Greek, deiktikos (see, show).
Ronald Primeau, The Rhetoric of Television (Longman: New York, 1979), 105.

Whereas deliberative and forensic persuasion are concerned with the presentation of evidence, arguments based on ceremony try to persuade through praise or blame, through repetition of a formula, through spectacle, display, and ritual. Rhetorical ceremony can be seen in the praises bestowed on the dead at a funeral, in attacks one's opponents during a political campaign, in the persuasive force of a slogan ("the Pepsi generation"), in the moods created by the spectacle of the Super Bowl, or in the decorations that sell consumerism in the Christmas season.
...Ritualized rhetoric persuades less through direct strategies than through subtle, subliminal, almost hypnotic stategies. We learn how to act at mealtime or in formal settings through the mood set by the rituals society creates for such occasions.

Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 27-28. Primeau also mentions the use of what he calls the "Plain Folks'" testimonial:

...Using the drawing power and appeal of the average person, celebrity or expert endorsements are replaced by the "random" comments of the man or woman on the street. ...The "average" working person demands the best beer after a long day, wants quality in an automobile... Viewers share these motivations, and so the typical everyday person on the screen explains why one product is the best.

Ronald Primeau, The Rhetoric of Television, 121.
See once again Peter Braham, "How the Media Report Race, in Culture, Society and the Media," in Culture, Society and the Media, ed. by M. Gurevitch, T. Bennet, J. Curran and J. Woollacott (London and New York: Methuen, 1982), 275-279 for an extensive discussion of the necessity of "frames," or "news frameworks."
See also: Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 28-29.
This theory is presented by Gitlin (Gitlin, ed., Watching Television, 28-29) and Doug Newsom and James Wollert in Media Writing: News for the Mass Media (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1985), 301-321.
There are more restrictions imposed on television news stories than time. See the discussion of "concision," in chapter 8.
Doug Newsom and James Wollert, Media Writing: News for the Mass Media (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1985), 301-321.
It would be a mis-understanding to suggest that Gitlin leaves out the role of the audience in his analysis. The media's role in shaping the opinions of youth and in particular the student anti-war movement during the 1960s is described in excellent detail by Gitlin's account of media framing. An "adversary symbiosis" appeared among the SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) leadership and other anti-war protest organizers within the anti-war movement after the media began to spotlight it. As Gitlin explains:

Within the movement, arguments emerged about how best to cope with the new situation [i.e. more media attention - B.D.]... Some movement organizers responded casually, at first, to the media's attentions. Their commitment to face-to-face organization remained primary; in their view, the press would play a secondary role...
Others, committed to an antiwar movement before all else, and operating mostly outside SDS, began to organize symbolic events deliberately to attract the media spotlight. Very small groups of draft-card burners could leap to national prominence.... Some within SDS proposed attention-getting actions--later called "media events"--that would, they hoped, place the issue of the war at the focus of national politics...
As the spotlight kept on burning, media treatment entered into the movement's internal life...many of the new generation [of student protesters - B.D.] had become radical quickly, because even mild rebellion against right-wing authority--hair grown slightly long, language grown obscene, or the like--provoked repression. ...as cultural rebels, they tended to skip the stage of consciousness that marked the Old Guard generation...many were shaggy in appearance, they smoked dope, they had read less, they went for broke.
The media not only helped produce and characterize this sharp break within SDS, but they proceeded to play it up... mass-mediated images were fixing...the terms for internal debate...

Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 29-31.
Which is understandable, considering that commercial broadcasting employers dominate and control the job market for television journalists.
Doug Newsom and James Wollert, Media Writing: News for the Mass Media (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1985), 301-321.
Peter Braham in "How the Media Report Race," in Culture, Society and the Media, Edited by M. Gurevitch, T. Bennet, J. Curran and J. Woollacott (London and New York: Methuen, 1982), 275-279.
Peter Braham in "How the Media Report Race," 275-279.
Peter Braham, "How the Media Report Race," 276.
Jeff Greenfield, Television: The First Fifty Years (New York: Crescent Books, 1981), 190.
Erik Barnouw, Tube of Plenty: The Evolution of American Television, Second Revised Edition, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 436.
Ron Powers, The Newscasters: The News Business as Show Business (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977), 87-98.
George Comstock, [writing in Television in America, The Sage CommText Series, Vol.1, (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1991) 88.] has quoted several media scholars who reached "complementary conclusions" about the new way of presenting the news. The main points were: Reporting has become "routinized," "stereotypic molds" are necessary, stories must be short and simple, strong visual elements must be used to make the news attractive, and the dominant sources are institutions, such as governments or federal agencies.
Paraphrased from Frank Magid's "Summary of Recommendations" for station WTVJ in 1971, as quoted in Ron Powers, The Newscasters, 89-90.
See also: Jeff Greenfield, Television: The First Fifty Years, 198-199.
Those who are familiar with Finnish television's Kymmenen Uutiset will no doubt recognize many similarities.
Ron Powers, The Newscasters, 87-98.
Jeff Greenfield, Television: The First Fifty Years, 198-199.


Gitlin has provided us with an excellent list of examples of "news frames" which were used during the 1960s and 1970s by the American media to represent "selective amplification" of real events having to do with the protest in the United States against American involvement in the war in Vietnam. These news frames, functioning as frames should function, are significant for our study because they later emerged, again and again, from newspaper, radio and television reports to recur and reverberate throughout the world. Gitlin's list of "framing devices" has been paraphrased by me but is based on his own research and analysis. (See Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, 27-28.):

Trivialization of major events: -- such as the significance of the anti-war movement for American culture, politics and history. Also, many events and happenings were not taken seriously and were consequently belittled by the media because of the language and dress used by those protesting.

Polarization of important events: The media made anti-war demonstrators, for example, appear to be in some sort of social opposition to working-class "hard hats," "their" government and "their" armed forces.

Over-emphasizing the opposition's point of view: The media placed too much emphasis on the determination of the President and Congress to continue the war.

Correlations, comparisons or equivalency made with extremist groups: -- many protesters were thoughtlessly stereotyped as "communists," "North-Vietnamese sympathizers," or "Hippies."

Emphasis placed on certain incongruous topics: The anti-war movement in America was an exceptionally broad movement. Internal dissension among the make-shift coalitions of anti-war groups was taken out of context and blown up by the media.

Marginalization of essential themes within the story: The media mostly portrayed anti-war demonstrators as "marginal characters" (hippies, drug users, rabble-rousers, no-goods, drop-outs, etc.) who would want to be demonstrating no matter what the cause.

Emphasis placed on deviancy or differences from social norms among demonstrators: Although most Americans opposed to the war in Vietnam were not socially "marginal," the media made it appear that the majority were political extremists, drug addicts or gay.

The age of the participants in protests was almost always an issue: The media led most Americans, especially the young ("Don't trust anybody over 30!") to accept the "generation gap" as an explanation for anti-war sentiments.

The style of self presentation and the goals which people shared were often ridiculed by the media. In most demonstrations the issue was the outrageous dress and actions of the demonstrators. As Gitlin interestingly points out, by the late 1960s, many anti-war groups began organizing their protests and their actions around the needs of the 6 o'clock news.

Disparagement of the anti-war movement in terms of numbers: The media consistently underestimated the actual sizes of demonstrations and purposely relied upon "official" estimates, such as the police or other authorities.

Disparagement of the anti-war movement in terms of its effectiveness: The media rarely gave credit to the peace movement for progress made towards peace.

Choosing to ignore support given to the anti-war groups by "respectable" groups and other prominent citizens

Delegitimizing the movement by using quotation marks: -- such as, so-called "peace movement," so-called "anti-war movement," so-called "freedom of choice."

An over-reliance on government statements and other government sources at the expense of available news stories

Exaggerated emphasis on certain "emotional" topics: -- such as violence and the use of flags.

Other exaggerations included: Various appeals to anti-communism (inherited from the McCarthyist period), and appeals to extreme patriotism.

Finally, the emphasis was most often placed on violence and how it was used by anti-war demonstrators: Scant attention was given by the media to the actua1 violence going on within Vietnam unless it had specifically to do with American casualties or loss of equipment.
Cronkite was interviewed by Ron Powers, The Newscasters, 200-203.
See "Move to Boycott CNN," in Broadcasting, February 18, 1991 (vol. 120, no. 7, 61) for more details.
A subsequent boycott of CNN was averted when Arnett left to work on his memoirs.
However, as pointed out in Chapter 3 (see subtitle: "Blacklisting"), the "Victory Committee" seems to have been just following in an old American tradition:
In the early part of the century, the railroads, eager to carve out their stake in the west, encouraged local businesses to start letter-writing campaigns in newspapers deploring government regulation of railroads. This tradition, once again, was drawn upon when, in 1950 Laurence A. Johnson, a supermarket owner and officer in the National Association of Supermarkets, wrote a letter of complaint to Leonard Block, sponsor of Danger, one of the most successful programs on television at that time.
In a January 31, 1991 KPFA (Pacifica-Berkeley) radio interview, author Michael Parenti saw media coverage of the anti-Persian Gulf War protest in an entirely different light:
QUESTION: What are your observations of the way the peace movement is being portrayed in this country, and how that contributes to the patriotism?
PARENTI: The peace movement is being portrayed the same way every peace and anti-war movement has been. The numbers of demonstrators are being undercounted, whole demonstrations are being ignored and simply not being reported, the massive demonstrations in Europe have been given scant attention, and in some reports none at all. The counter-demonstrators are given disproportionate exposure.
There'll be 100,000 of us and 100 of them and they'll get 40% of the coverage. In fact, NBC News on Saturday night did a special on the pro-war demonstrators who were all of a hundred. It said, "While groups of protestors moved across the Capitol grounds . . ." and it showed just a few stragglers, and we had a massive crowd there, and they talked about pro-Administration people, and they showed all these sound-bites, showed them walking down the street to Lafayette Park, and interviewed them. It was rather remarkable that here we had over 100,000 people and this special report was on this 100 people. These are some of the gimmicks they use.
Source: Nov 26, 1991 in propaganda.rev on PeaceNet.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life: This First-Hand Account of the War's Impact on Iraqi Civilians, Virtually Ignored by the U.S. Media, Paints a Grim Picture of Death and Destruction," in The San Francisco Bay Guardian, Vol. 25, no. 20 (Feb. 20, 1991).
See also: Ramsey Clark, War Crimes: A Report on U.S. War Crimes Against Iraq (Washington, D.C.: Maisonneuve Press, 1992), and Ramsey Clark, The Fire This Time: U.S. War Crimes in the Gulf (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1992) and the internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
Ramsey Clark, "The Assault on Civilian Life," from the Internet list, ACTIV-L.
See, for example, Christopher Norris, Uncritical Criticism: Postmodernism, Intellectuals and the Gulf War (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1992).
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty: Mainstream Media Portrayal of the Gulf War," Electronically published manuscript, Copyright 1991 by the Communication Institute for Online Scholarship, Inc.
Herman and Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books), 1988 (introduction).
Herman and Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent, (introduction).
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty: Mainstream Media Portrayal of the Gulf War," Electronically published manuscript, Copyright 1991 by the Communication Institute for Online Scholarship, Inc.
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty."
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty."
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty."
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty."
Newer technologies, just introduced at CNN, will make synchronizing of filmed archive material with voice-overs much easier in the future. This technology is based on computer local area networks, and should be inexpensive enough for other, less endowed, news organizations to purchase.
As one can see in a Brechtian play, the playwright attempts to bring these factors out, alienating the audiences and thereby preventing them from seeming natural.
Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 127.
Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death, 128.
In a study carried out in 1979 of 15 brief TV news items presented to 40 college students, 5 brief TV news items "contained film footage, 5 contained still pictures, and 5 consisted of the newscaster only." The results of the study showed that "recall of the items was significantly better following video presentation than after audio-only presentation." Video clips "were recalled significantly more often than still picture items, which were in turn recalled significantly more often than no-picture items."
Barrie Gunter, "Recall of Brief Television News Items: Effects of presentation mode, picture content and serial position," Journal of Educational Television and Other Media, 1979, Vol 5(2), 57-61.
See scenes 8-14 in transcript, above.
For Sakharov's statements, see transcript, above.
Concerning the use of metaphors in the media, George Lakoff's "The Fairy Tale of the Just War," explains this practice:

Cast of characters: a villain, a victim, and a hero. The victim and the hero may be the same person.
The scenario: A crime is committed by the villain against an innocent victim (typically an assault, theft, or kidnapping). The offense occurs due to an imbalance of power and creates a moral imbalance. The hero either gathers helpers or decides to go it alone. The hero makes sacrifices; he undergoes difficulties, typically making an arduous heroic journey, sometimes across the sea to a treacherous terrain. The villain is inherently evil, perhaps even a monster, and thus reasoning with him is out of the question. The hero is left with no choice but to engage the villain in battle. The hero defeats the villain and rescues the victim. The moral balance is restored. Victory is achieved. The hero, who always acts honorably, has proved his manhood and achieved glory. The sacrifice was worthwhile. The hero receives acclaim, along with the gratitude of the victim and the community.
The fairy tale has an asymmetry built into it. The hero is moral and courageous, while the villain is amoral and vicious. The hero is rational, but though the villain may be cunning and calculating, he cannot be reasoned with. Heroes thus cannot negotiate with villains; they must defeat them. The enemy-as-demon metaphor arises as a consequence of the fact that we understand what a just war is in terms of this fairy tale.
As the Gulf Crisis developed, President Bush tried to justify going to war by the use of such a scenario. At first, he couldn't get his story straight. He was using two different sets of metaphorical definitions, which resulted in two different scenarios:
The Rescue Scenario: Iraq is villain, the US is hero, Kuwait is victim, the crime is kidnap and rape.
The Self-Defense Scenario: Iraq is villain, the US is hero, the US and other industrialized nations are victims, the crime is a death threat--that is, a threat to economic health.
The American people could not accept the second scenario, since it amounted to trading lives for oil. The administration therefore settled on the first, and that seemed to be accepted by the public, the media, and Congress as providing moral justification for going to war.

Source: George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War," January 1991, propaganda.rev on PeaceNet.
George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War."
Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and the Press (London and New York: Routledge, 1991), 218.
Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 218.
From the transcript, above.
George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War."
George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War."
Wodak points out that, in political discourse, there is a "condensing and abbreviation of syntax." "Malevolent words may thus develop into harmless ones, and even combinations of opposite meanings may occur..." There are also certain "strategies of argumentation" which are typical of political jargon. Political speakers, for example, want their listeners to feel respect for them and to accept their authority; this is why they make use of forms of speech which impress the public as meaningful. See Ruth Wodak, ed., Language, Power and Ideology, 143.
George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War."
George Lakoff, "Metaphors of War."
Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 187.
Compare Doug Kellner, "Must We Create Demons To Make Ourselves Look Good?" (Insight Features, 1992).

Does American popular and political culture need evil demons to assure its sense of its own goodness? The mass media's response to the Gulf Crisis with the creation of a demonology of the Iraqi dictator, Saddam Hussein, indicates that it does.
The United States is perpetually "in search of enemies," to use former CIA official John Stockwell's phrase. Its opinion- forming institutions construct enemies with propaganda campaigns that paint some leaders, or countries, as absolute villains, while painting other leaders, who may be just as bad, or worse, as "allies."
Saddam Hussein was constantly demonized as the absolutely evil `Foreign Other' by the Bush Administration and media from the beginning of the crisis in the Gulf. Meanwhile allies like Syria's Assad, who many believe to be as oppressive as Hussein, were related to positively by the Bush Administration. In this way, the frames of popular culture entertainment, which are structured by a Manichean opposition between good and evil, are deployed in the symbolic construction of Saddam Hussein as the absolute villain, the evil demon who is so threatening and violent that he must be destroyed and eradicated.

James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty: Mainstream Media Portrayal of the Gulf War," Electronically published manuscript, Copyright 1991 by the Communication Institute for Online Scholarship, Inc. (footnote 90)
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty: Mainstream Media Portrayal of the Gulf War," Electronically published manuscript, Copyright 1991 by the Communication Institute for Online Scholarship, Inc.
James Winter, "Truth as the First Casualty: Mainstream Media Portrayal of the Gulf War."
Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 183.
See transcript (above).
Teun A. Van Dijk, Racism and the Press, 184.
A quick search of library data banks in the University of California (melvyl.ucop.edu) reveals a large number of articles and books written on the topic of propaganda, the Persian Gulf War and CNN. See also Ilkka Timonen, "Toimittajat pysyivät ruodussa," in Persianlahden sota ja journalismi (University of Tampere publications: Tampere, 1991), 51-54.
See also: "Äänen ja kuvan uudet ulottuvuudet opetuksessa" in Opettaja, 1-2 1993, 13.


To help "delacunize," for Americans, Kivinen's point of view, one might borrow, once again, from Neil Postman who, after a long visit to Europe, observed that

[In Europe]...one senses both the presence of America and a contempt for it. ...In Sweden, I met a well-known editor, Arne Ruth, who...[finds] the principal feature of the Third Reich to lie in a politics essentially without content; the Nazi regime, they contend, offers the ultimate example of politics as pure spectacle. ...American public discourse has been changed by the electronic media from serious exposition into a form of entertainment, and I concurred in the view of Aldous Huxley that in the future people might well be controlled by inflicting pleasure on them rather than pain.

Neil Postman, Conscientious Objections: Stirring up trouble about language, technology, and education (Vintage Books: New York, 1988), 49-52.
The concept of media objectivity media has been analyzed by Ian Connell in his article, "Television news and the Social Contract," Stuart Hall, Dorothy Hobson, Andrew Lowe, Paul Willis, eds., Culture, Media, Language, Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-1979. (London: Unwyn Hyman, 1980), 139 - 156.
Heikki Luostarinen and Hannu Nieminen, eds., Persian sota ja journalismi, Sarja c (Tampere: Tampere University Press, 1991).

"Siinä palveli rautaisella ammattitaidolla CNN. Sen asema muodostui Persianlahden sodan aikana samanlaiseksi kuin kansainvälisillä uutistoimistoilla. Sähköisenä mediana se palveli vielä nopeammin ja paremmin radio tiedonvälitystä: Suorat pätkät kertoivat, että Saudi-Arabiassa oil vielä rauhallista, samoin Israelissa, Turkissa, New Yorkissa. Sen tiedon ja vain sen halusi jokainen kuulija aamun ensimäisinä hämärinä tunteina, jolloin suursodan uhka leijui vielä todellisena. Ja vielä: yöjuontajan suoraan televisiosta nauhoittama George Bushin puhe (CNN ei vielä ole lähettänyt laskua) toi arvokasta lisäväriä."
Näillä eväillä jokaisella suomalisella paikallisradiolla, jolla oli satellitti-TV oli mahdollisuus onnistua jopa erinomaisesti ensimmäisen aamun tiedonvälityksestä. Näkemättä jäi irakilaisten hätä ja tuhot...

Ari Meriläinen, "Kun kaikki alkoi." Heikki Luostarinen and Hannu Nieminen, eds., Persian sota ja journalismi, Sarja c (Tampere: Tampere University Press, 1991) 10-11, 12-13.
Michael Schudson, Discovering the News (New York: Basic Books/Harper Colophon, 1973), 14-21, 93-95.
See also Chapter 6 of this study and Dan Hallin, The Uncensored War: the Media and Vietnam (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 63-72. As advertising became an essential component of the American economy, the media changed from giving information to commodity production. Commodities are produced for sale to customers. Commercial media customers are advertisers and the commodity is the media outlet's audience. Because advertising has become an absolutely essential component of doing business, it has become the most important business of the commercial media. All commercial media must function as revenue-generating tools. The capacity to create readership enhances a media outlet's potential as a mover of sponsors' products.
A portion of CNN's success, especially in the early years, was derived from its contracts and agreements to exchange filmed material with foreign and domestic news-gathering agencies. (See Whittemore, CNN: The Inside Story (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1990).
Most commercial stations have adopted the American discourse style. Some of these same stations have been bought by American broadcasters.
Ari Meriläinen, "Kun kaikki alkoi," in Persianlahden sota ja journalismi by Heikki Luostarinen and Hannu Nieminen, ed., (Tampere: University of Tampere, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication), pp. 10-13.
In a recent classroom poll at Turku University conducted in February of 1995, 35 out of 50 students stated that they got most of their news from reading newspapers (in particular the Helsingin Sanomat). Television was the second most important source for news and YLE was the preferred source.