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Monroe
Doctrine
1823
The
Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's
seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823:
At
the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made
through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full
power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister
of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by
amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of
the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A
similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to
the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been
acceded to. The Government of the United States has been
desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the
great value which they have invariably attached to the
friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate
the best understanding with his Government. In the
discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the
arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has
been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which
the rights and interests of the United States are involved,
that the American continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European powers. . .
It
was stated at the commencement of the last session that a
great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to
improve the condition of the people of those countries, and
that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results
have been so far very different from what was then
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with
which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and interested
spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish
sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and
happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic.
In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport
with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are
invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make
preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected,
and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and
impartial observers. The political system of the allied
powers is essentially different in this respect from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in
their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own,
which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and
treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most
enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed
unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe
it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations
existing between the United States and those powers to
declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as
dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not
interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments
who have declared their independence and maintain it, and
whose independence we have, on great consideration and on
just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any
interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any
European power in any other light than as the manifestation
of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In
the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared
our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this
we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no
change shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent
authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding
change on the part of the United States indispensable to
their security.
The
late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be
adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it
proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have
interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To
what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question in which all independent powers
whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even
those most remote, and surely none of them more so than the
United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was
adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long
agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the
same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of
any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as
the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly
relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a
frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the
just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from
none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are
eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that
the allied powers should extend their political system to
any portion of either continent without endangering our
peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our
southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of
their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that
we should behold such interposition in any form with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and
resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their
distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can
never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United
States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that
other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
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