CYNICS SAY that rich drug
companies fight sound medical reforms by
lobbying Congress relentlessly. This is half
true. The full story is that rich drug companies
fight sound medical reforms by lobbying Congress
and lobbying other companies.
The hottest fight now
concerns the rules on the duration of drug
patents. Under existing law, drug companies can
extend patents for 30 months beyond their normal
expiration dates by asserting that makers of
cheap generic copies are violating some rule or
other. The extension is automatic, however weak
the assertion; what's more, the drug companies
can make such assertions more than once for the
same drug if it's protected by more than one
patent. The Senate has passed a bill to restrain
this practice; it would allow only one automatic
30-month stay per drug and would require patent
holders to convince a judge of the merits of
their case in order to secure a second one.
This is an eminently
reasonable reform. The Congressional Budget
Office estimates that it would save consumers
$60 billion over 10 years by making generics
more widely available; it would do this without
compromising drug companies' rights to defend
their patents in court. But the drug companies
paint the Senate bill as an attack on the idea
of intellectual property, and they have gone
beyond the normal practice of making their
argument to Congress and the public. They also
have taken their case to companies that, hoping
to reduce the cost of employee health plans,
lobbied in favor of the Senate legislation.
This month
Georgia-Pacific, a paper company, asked that its
name be withdrawn from the Web site of Business
for Affordable Medicine, the coalition of state
governors and corporations that supports the
Senate bill. E-mails between company officials,
described in the Wall Street Journal, suggest
that Georgia-Pacific's decision reflected
pressure from Eli Lilly, a drug company that is
one of Georgia-Pacific's big customers.
Georgia-Pacific has been hoping to conclude a
three-year sales deal with Eli Lilly, making
this a particularly bad time for Georgia-Pacific
to annoy its client. One Georgia-Pacific
official reportedly wrote that he was
"getting more concerned we may lose our
business position if this is not managed
correctly."
Eli Lilly denies linking
its procurement decisions to Georgia-Pacific's
view of the Senate bill, but it acknowledges a
policy of contacting other firms to explain its
position on the legislation. Whatever the truth,
it's striking that other one-time supporters of
the affordable-medicine alliance recently have
pulled back: Verizon Communications and Marriott
International have both quit, and United Parcel
Service has asked that its logo be removed from
the coalition's Web site. Given that all these
companies stand to benefit from lower drug
prices, it's a fair guess that drug-company
pressure had something to do with their
decisions. It's also a worrying sign that the
Senate bill faces tough sledding in the House,
whose members now have to choose between
affordable medicines and placating the drug
lobby.