Malaysian Youth's Disenchantment With UMNO Continues
By CHEN MAY YEE,   Staff Reporter

KUALA LUMPUR -- Malaysia's oldest political party, which packed off
the British, won special rights for native Malays, and turned this
multiethnic nation into a modern economy, would be proud of the
achievements of four native sons gathered over dinner in the business
district here one recent evening.

But the United Malays National Organization, known as UMNO, wouldn't
be pleased with what they have to say.

"I'll vote for anyone but UMNO," says a 27-year-old investment
manager. Two of his three friends, professionals in their twenties,
nod in agreement. The last one hesitates, less out of devotion to UMNO
than because he sees no appealing alternatives.

These four aren't exactly opposition stalwarts. Two are registered
UMNO members; two don't belong to any political party. More
strikingly, all have profited from the government's largess. The
investment manager, who, like his friends, declined to be identified,
studied math on a state scholarship to Oxford University in the U.K. A
management consultant next to him went to Stanford University in the
U.S. thanks to the national power company. Across the table is a
lawyer whose tuition fees at Oxford were paid by the state oil
company. The other consultant got a state scholarship to study law at
Bristol University in the U.K.

All are beneficiaries of the National Economic Policy, an
affirmative-action plan that launched a whole generation of Malays
from rice fields into factories and boardrooms. For almost 30 years,
the NEP has been the main pillar of UMNO government policy.

But after winning every election since independence in 1957, UMNO now
finds itself in a tricky situation. Those who grew up in the nation it
created -- arguably with more successes than failures -- are focusing
more on its failures.

UMNO's growing business interests have fueled a perception of
corruption, especially among younger Malaysians. While those over 40
remember the struggle for independence and the tense years after the
Malay-Chinese riots in 1969, younger people -- better educated and
more self-assured than their parents -- are demanding civil liberties
and more transparent government.

And they are less loyal. When UMNO makes emotional appeals for
support, citing Malay unity, young people wonder: Unity against what?
The British are gone, the communists are vanquished. And Chinese
Malaysians, who make up 25% of the country's 2.2 million population,
no longer dominate the economy. (Malays constitute more than half the
population; ethnic Indians, less than 10%.)

Even UMNO's biggest battles -- upholding the Malay language, for
example -- have largely been achieved through nationalistic
educational policies that eased out English as the medium of
instruction.

"It's ironic," says Vincent Lim, a 35-year-old analyst with a private
think tank. "UMNO has not learned to deal with its successes."

The depth of disillusionment is evident in the widespread support for
ousted Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, whom Prime Minister
Mahathir Mohamad sacked in September. A government insider and Dr.
Mahathir's protege for 17 years, Datuk Seri Anwar, a relatively
youthful 51 to Dr. Mahathir's 73 years, often spoke of building a
civil society.

After failing to prove he was a victim of a political conspiracy,
Datuk Seri Anwar was found guilty of corrupt practice and jailed in
April for a six-year term; he is now in the dock again on a sodomy
charge. Whether Datuk Seri Anwar would have implemented reforms or
not, his speeches struck a chord with thousands of Malaysians, who hit
the streets after his dismissal and called for Dr. Mahathir to step
down. Others turned to a youthful medium: the Internet. More than 50
websites have sprouted up in support of Datuk Seri Anwar since
September.

"UMNO is completely out of touch with the young people," says Maznah
Mohamad, who lectures on development studies at the University Sains
Malaysia.

Stunned by the street protests, UMNO recently has made efforts to
reach out to younger Malaysians. Last month, for the first time, the
party dispatched its ministers to speak to more than 30,000 new
university students around the country. UMNO Youth officials say they
plan to fan out across Malaysia to talk to small, informal groups.

"We are, of course, concerned," says Zulkifli Alwi, an executive
committee member of UMNO's youth wing. "The issues are no longer
independence or basic necessities, but loftier ideals: good
governance, freedom of speech, liberalism, openness."

Saifuddin Abdullah has watched this political awakening first-hand.
The 38-year-old is president of the Malaysian Youth Council, a
nonpartisan umbrella organization for 35 youth groups ranging from the
Malaysian Muslim Students Association to the Girl Guides. Young people
are tired of not being consulted by a paternalistic government, even
if it is only on issues such as how to regulate an Internet cafe, says
Mr. Saifuddin.

"You can't blame them if certain sections of the youth population feel
that another government may give them a better deal," he says.

Mr. Saifuddin and others point to how the government dealt with
another uprising, more than 20 years ago now, that sowed the seeds of
today's discontent. In 1974, university students led by a young Anwar
Ibrahim marched to draw attention to the plight of poor farmers. Dr.
Mahathir, then education minister, quickly enacted strict laws
governing student activity. Politics on campus was barred; students
need permission simply to put up a poster to this day. When Datuk Seri
Anwar served as education minister in the late 1980s, he didn't ease
the restrictions.

Those strict laws also meant that many students turned to the only
outlet of expression left to them: Islam. Inspired by Islamic
revivalism that began in the Middle East, students met in mosques and
prayer halls, the only venues where they didn't have to apply for
permission to gather. That helps explain why so many young people
today find the brand of Islam propounded by the fundamentalist Parti
Islam Se-Malaysia, or PAS, more appealing than the more secular UMNO.

Indeed, PAS, which controls the rural state of Kelantan, has been a
major beneficiary of UMNO's troubles. PAS says its membership has
jumped from 500,000 in September, when the deputy premier was ousted,
to about 700,000 today. UMNO has 2.7 million members.

"Why shouldn't we try PAS?" asks a young truck driver in blue jeans at
a recent opposition rally. "If they don't perform, we'll just vote
them out again in five years."

Others are turning to Parti Keadilan Nasional, or the National Justice
Party, set up by Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, Datuk Seri Anwar's wife, in
early April. The new party, which aims to set the jailed politician
free and make him prime minister, claims that 100,000 members have
signed up in the past two months. Many of those are young people
getting involved in politics for the first time, it says.

"Those aged below 40 are not so stupid," said a 39-year- old man, one
of thousands who came to cheer Dr. Wan Azizah in a football field in
Melaka state in April. "We are educated people."

The National Justice Party, PAS and the mainly Chinese Democratic
Action Party have agreed to form a coalition for upcoming elections --
due in a year, but which many believe will be called within the next
six months.

UMNO is expected to stay in power this time, although perhaps its
multiracial coalition, Barisan Nasional, might get a smaller
parliamentary majority. After all, many Malay villagers still go to
their UMNO representatives to ask for everything from a barber-shop
license to a university scholarship. Moreover, many of the disgruntled
youth still aren't registered to vote.

But so far, UMNO's message has remained largely the same. "Be
grateful," National Unity Minister Zaleha Ismail told university
students in Kuala Lumpur, reminding them of their university places
and scholarship money. "Don't insult or criticize leaders and the
government," she added.

That message comes from the top. The prime minister himself has
dismissed the notion that it is the government's duty to provide
monetary assistance to students. He blamed opposition groups for
instigating students "to bite the hand that feeds them."

This approach has some observers, such as former deputy prime minister
Musa Hitam, shaking their heads.

Tan Sri Musa retired from active politics after falling out with Dr.
Mahathir in 1987, but is still an UMNO member. "We should face
(youngsters) and allow them to criticize us, then respond in a
constructive manner," he says. "Even if we disagree, at least they
will respect us."

http://interactive.wsj.com/