The following article appeared in the November/December 1998 edition of Homemaker's. Homemaker's is a Canadian women's magazine best known for issues it has taken on, both nationally and internationally.
Homemaker's Magazine: PO Box 714 Markham Station, Markham, Ontario L6B 1B4.
Editor-in-Chief, and author of the following article, Sally
Armstrong, was kind enough to allow this article to be reprinted
on this web site.
(http://www.fgm.org )
Not My Daughter
by Sally Armstrong
©Nov/Dec. 1998, Homemaker's Magazine
The contrasts are stunning: the beauty and serenity of the
women sitting in the circle: the hideous brutality of the stories
they share. It was in this little meeting room that they learned
that the ancient ritual of excision (female circumcision)
performed on them as little girls was the cause of the horrific
health problems they suffer as adults. It was here they learned
that cutting off a girl's external genitals had nothing
whatsoever to do with religion. And it was here they made a
public declaration to forever ban an ethnic tradition that has
been going on for 1,000 years.
The women of Malicounda, a village in the West African country of
Senegal, are as far away from the cosmopolitan offices of worldly
bureaucrats as you can get. But here, amidst the clusters of
thatched roof huts, herds of bleating goats and towering Baobab
trees, they have succeeded where diplomats, politicians and
scores of western women had failed. They made history as the
first village to stop what's known to most of the world as female
genital mutilation (FGM). Today, the movement they started is
spreading like a grass fire.
More than 126 million women in 28 countries have been sexually
mutilated in the name of tradition. Every day, 6,000 little girls
are subjected to the old woman known as the cutter, or excisist,
who slices off their genitalia with a razor. There's no
anesthetic, no sterilization. There's only agony, sometimes death
and always a future of pain. And in the time-tested tradition of
keeping a stranglehold on the status quo, there is a taboo about
speaking of the procedure to anyone.
Given the power of the taboo, it was with some trepidation that
Dr. Winnie Tay, the country director of Plan International in
Sierra Leone (known as Foster Parents Plan International in
Canada), organized the country's first- ever conference on FGM in
May, 1996. Today, in his new office in Dakar, the Senegalese
capital, Tay recalls that the vice-president of Sierra Leone was
supposed to give the opening address but cancelled at the last
minute. "Later, he said to me, 'As a medical doctor I
support you. As a politician, I can't touch this."' Tay's
gamble paid off. The conference hall was packed. The secret was
at last at the debating table. The truth was about to be told.
The attendees, including sociologists, aid workers, religious
leaders, teenagers and their fathers and mothers, sat in stunned
silence as they watched the horror of FGM on a videotape recorded
in Ethiopia.
The child in the video is only eight years old. Today is her birthday. Her
mother takes her by the hand and leads her to a hut at the edge of the village. Inside the hut she is tied to a
chair, her legs splayed apart. An old woman clutching a rusty razor tells
her to be brave and not to make a noise. Then she grasps the skin
above the child's clitoris and begins cutting. The child screams in
agony while the woman slices off piece after piece; the hood of the clitoris, the clitoris itself, the labia minora, the labia majora.
She closes the gaping bloody wound with three thorns and slathers
it with what looks like herbs and raw eggs. The child is removed to a mat, her legs are tied together and she's told that
now she is a woman.
If she doesn't bleed to death, if she doesn't die from shock or
pelvic infection or tetanus, she faces a lifetime of pain. The
opening she's left with is the size of the tip of the little
finger. Passing urine is so painful, she'll try to retain it,
which causes urinary tract infection and sometimes septicemia.
When she's old enough to menstruate, she'll suffer again as the
menstrual flow pools inside the scarred wall simply because it
can't exit through the tiny opening. And when she marries and is
re-cut with a razor to make intercourse possible, she faces the
added burden of becoming pregnant with a birth canal that has
been mutilated. She'll adopt the expression so many women before
her have learned, "The first one always dies. It is making a
passage for the other children." Because the labia minora
that stretches and aids in a baby's birth has been cut off, the
labor is prolonged and the baby is often starved of oxygen.
The participants at the symposium were thunderstruck. The men
claimed they had no idea that's what was being done to their
wives and daughters. In fact the women themselves didn't know the
details as it was not a subject they could discuss with anyone.
Apart from prompting shock, the disturbing images of the
procedure served to forever exorcise the taboo. People, at least
here in the conference hall in Sierra Leone, wanted to talk.
The roots of this brutal rite of passage are as confounding as
the business of stopping it. Some say it is a religious
requirement but although it is practised by both Muslims and
Christians and some Jewish sects, it is not mentioned in either
the Koran or the Bible. Some say it is to improve the health and
childbearing capabilities of the women, despite irrefutable
medical evidence to the contrary. Others claim it is to make a
woman more attractive, a better and more sexually satisfied wife.
In fact, it can hobble a woman with scarring, pain and trauma.
Others claim that like foot binding in China and other misogynist
practices, it is an obsession with purity, sanctioned by
tradition, and has an inherent tendency to catch on and spread,
using women as scapegoats.
The United Nations has tried for more than a decade to stop FGM.
World courts have made it a criminal offence. So have many of the
countries where it is practised. Western women have descended on
the villages with accusations of barbarism. But until Malicounda
set an example in July, 1997, the village women ignored the UN,
refused to obey a law that threatened their ancient customs and
basically told western women to go home and mind their own
business. A few months after the declaration by the women of
Malicounda, 12 more villages took the same oath. Then, in June of
this year, 18 villages in the southern region of Kolda, people of
the Fulani and Mandinka ethnic groups, also declared a ban on FGM.
In October, women in the neighboring country, Mali, invited the
women of Malicounda to come to discuss the business of declaring
an end to FGM. And in the St. Louis region in the north of the
country, another 70 villages are moving toward making a public
declaration.
This is one of those overnight success stories that was seven
years in the making. And by all accounts the story begins with
Molly Melching, a woman from smalltown U.S.A. (Danville, Ill.)
who came to Dakar 24 years ago as an exchange student and never
went home. She learned the language, adopted the styles of the
people, moved into a village and in the process experienced an
epiphany: change isn't an external event, it's an internal event.
In other words, if someone tells you to stop doing something that
you think to be right, you'll reject the advice out of hand. A
simple analogy: if someone tells you that putting braces on your
child's teeth is bad because it causes brain damage, you'd think
they were crazy.
"Given the opportunity to gather the information needed for
change, you'll make the best decision yourself," says
Melching, a six foot tall charismatic woman who fills a room with
her presence. And if it's your idea, it will work." That
realization inspired Melching and her Senegalese team to create a
program that would help women to make their own decisions. By the
way," she says, when she learns that I'm Canadian, "Canada
was the only country in the world willing to fund our idea."
In 1991, Melehing started a nongovernmental organization called
Tostan, which means "breakthrough" in the native Wolof
language. She developed a six-part program for women which
included basic hygiene, literacy and problem-solving. Melching
knew the dropout rate in literacy classes was very high and felt
that if she could make the classroom a nurturing place where
women wanted to be, where they could talk about issues important
to them, they would stay. She uses storytelling, songs and
theatre as her teaching tools. Soon enough the women told her
they wanted to learn about their own health, their bodies. "I
realized they didn't know about menstruation, about menopause. I
also realized that they didn't know what their rights were. When
I told them about human rights and that they have the right to
health, we began to have incredible conversations. They discussed
wife assault for the first time. They talked about child labor
and discovered that the children had the right to education, to
being with their parents and shouldn't be sent off at the age of
10 to work as maids in the towns. Then I asked them what problems
they had with excision [FGM]. They said, 'None.' So I asked if we
shouldn't talk about it. 'Yes, talk about it,' they said. 'But
you'll never ever change it." Up until then, when health
workers asked women who'd been circumcised if
they had problems with, for example, urinating or
delivering babies they would say no. They presumed it was normal
to
take 15
minutes to urinate and three to five days of hard
labor to deliver a baby. When women in Melching's classes
began to
realize
that other w o m e n didn't have the health
problems they had, the floodgates opened. Women shared
their stories
and
began to draw an inevitable conclusion: they
needed to make change.
But change, particularly one that dismantles a thousand-year-old
ritual,
comes with cost. Soon after the women banished FGM,
a backlash whipped up like a tropical storm. They had
agreed to allow
reporters from Dakar to come to the village and ask
them questions. On July 31, 1997, their story was
splashed across the
front
page of every newspaper in the country. The
month of August bore witness to the perilous path of
pioneers. Some
newspapers portrayed them as revolutionaries. Some
religious leaders scorned the women. Their husbands
accused them of
having
no sutura -discretion- by speaking publicly about
such a private and culturally sensitive issue. And some
militant
defenders
of cultural identity wished a pox on their houses.
And so the women called a meeting, a return to the circle in the
little yellow room where they had met weekly for two years. When
Melching arrived and talked with the women, she was truly worried
about what was going on. "You have already suffered enough,"
she told them. "You could go back. Or stop talking to others
about the decision you've made This backlash could get worse."
The silence was deafening. Then Tene Cissoko, a 31-year-old
mother of four, stood up. The tension in the room was palpable.
All eyes turncd to the attractive woman who, like her ancestors,
had never before questioned FGM. "No," she said. "We'll
never go back. We made this decision based on what we know to be
true. We are Amazon women. We'll continue the struggle even if it
means problems." Every woman in the room stood with her.
Their collective vow in the
face of
a swirling controversy: "Never again. Not my
daughter."
Like apostles of their newly discovered human rights,
they started
spreading the word. When the village of Kėr Simbara was
preparing for its annual circumcision rites, the
Malicounda women
traveled
the 60-kilometre distance to that village to tell them
why they had decided to stop the tradition.
They knew that sharing their knowledge with the w o m e n
w a s n ' t
enough. They needed to talk to the men, the elders and
the Imam (the Muslim leader of the area).
Initially the people of Kėr Simbara were furious. But
the Imam, an
old man
called Demba Diawara, was upset by the stories he
heard that day. Could it be true, he wondered. He told
the women,
"We are a
family of 11 villages. We could never do this
without talking to the rest of our family."
Speaking in the epigrammatic style he favors, Diawara
explains to me,
"Your
brain always has two voices. One will give you
advice. One will stop you from changing. I thought I had
to listen to
this
new information. But I also thought our traditions need
to be respected. I felt it was my obligation at that
point to put on
my
shoes and go and talk to the rest of our family about
this."
He and his nephew, Cheikh Traore trekked from village to
village. They
met
with the chief, the leader of the women's group
and the young people. "We didn't just go once. We
went back three
or four
times. These things had never been discussed
publicly." Traore adds, "I went and talked to a
medical doctor
about what
the women were saying. He said, 'This is something
you practise but it is very detrimental to the health of
women and
girls.'
He gave me examples and it all began to make sense to
me. We'd heard stories we couldn't believe. If we'd known
this before,
we
would have stopped excision a long time ago."
On November 20, 1997, the president of Senegal, Abdou
Diduf, made a
declaration of his own. "I want all the villages of
Senegal to follow the example set by the women of
Malicounda." On
February
3 of this year he began the process of writing
the ban into the law of the land.
While social anthropologists have always believed it
would take
hundreds of
years to end FGM, research fellows like Gerry
Mackie of the University of Oxford in England, who has
written
extensively
about foot binding in China, say that this no longer
holds true. In fact, says Mackie, Melching's approach
indicates that
FGM
"will end suddenly and universally."
Although foot binding persisted in China for 1,000 years,
once reform
began, it ended in about 10. "The work of anti-foot
binding reformers had three aspects," says Mackie.
"First,
they carried out
a modern education campaign which explained that
the rest of the world did not bind women's feet. Second,
they
explained the
advantages of natural feet and the disadvantages of
bound feet. Third, they formed natural foot societies
whose members
publicly pledged not to bind their daughters' feet nor to
let
their sons marry women with bound feet. The women of
Malicounda
reinvented
the techniques of the anti- foot binding
reformers when they took part in the Tostan program."
The key, he
says, is
the public pledge and the fact that Tostan provides
the education but never tells people what to do.
Molly Melching is delighted, if somewhat overwhelmed, by
the
rapid-fire
success of her program. Plan International director
Winnie Tay calls her a "tour de force." And
UNICEF manager
Teresa Pinilla
says, "None of this would have happened without
Molly." But Pinella admits funding has become a
problem. The
program is
spreading all across the country and six neighboring
countries have asked for Tostan's assistance. Although it
was the
Canadian
International Development Agency (CIDA) that
funded her through UNICEF to begin with, she didn't make
CIDA's list
for
continued funding and presently relies on UNICEF
and the American Jewish World Service to continue the
program.
Watching her
making phone calls, faxing proposals for
funding and trying to find time to tend to her devoted
flock of
teachers
and villagers makes this observer think the funding
matter is more of a crisis than a problem.
On the road to eliminating a practice that has been a
scourge to
African
women, Melching has also experienced her share of the
backlash. One man spit on her in Dakar. Another shrieked
obscenities
at
"the woman who is destroying our traditions."
But
mostly Melching is received like family by an ever-increasing
number
of
Senegalese people who see her as their hero.
One is Ibrahima Ndiaye, office manager at a large European
airline in Dakar, who got snared in the web of ritual and rites
of passage. "When I got married my wife and I couldn't have
intercourse because she was closed. I knew this was done to women
but I'd never given any thought to the consequences. Then her
aunt came and opened her up with a razor. I couldn't believe what
was happening. My wife was in terrible pain. I vowed that such a
thing would never be done to my daughters. We have six daughters
and one son. When the first two girls were little my wife's aunt
kept telling me they had to be cut or they'd never be accepted at
the village. I said, 'Too bad. They'll never be cut.'
"Then one day I came home from work and I knew the moment I
opened the door that something was wrong. The aunt was there. My
wife's face was a mask of fear. Usually my little girls - they
were two and four at the time - came running to the door to greet
me. They weren't there. I asked my wife what was going on. She
said, 'They're in the bedroom.' I rushed in and there were my
little daughters lying on the bed, their legs bound by bloody
robes. I was furious. I wanted to call the police but the aunt
said, 'Go ahead, they won't do anything. This is our tradition.'
She had come with the excisist while I was at work and said to my
wife, 'We're here to do the girls.' We didn't have a phone. There
was nothing my wife could do. The aunt said, 'Maybe you're angry
now but you'll thank me when it's time for them to marry, because
no man will have a girl who is not excised.' I told her that any
man who wanted to marry my daughter because she was excised would
never have my permission. He can marry her for love, never for
excision. Then I made it clear that she hadn't better touch any
of my children again."
Back in Malicounda, we sit in the meeting room and this time
the tropical storm raging outside is for real. It's the rainy
season in Senegal, the first rainy season that didn't mark the
completion of circumcision rites of girls. Everybody wants to
talk about the pride, courage and confidence they have gathered
since their decision.But first they share the indignation and
pain they felt when they were accused of hurting their daughters.
They explain, "This was our tradition. If a girl was not
circumcised she would be an outcast in the village. She could not
wash with the others, prepare food with the others. She could not
marry. The ther children would see her as unclean."
The lessons with Melching changed all that. For Tacko Cissoko, a
midwife who attends births in her own ethnic group that practises
FGM as well as those ethnic groups that do not, the penny dropped
when they discussed childbirth. "I saw the women during
delivery. The women who weren't excised didn't tear. The women
who were tore terribly. I always suspected excision was the cause."
The women speak as one when they say, "This is a chance for
our daughters. They won't have to suffer. They won't lose their
health. They won't spend all their money on health problems when
they're adults."
They know it's about power. The power to decide for yourself; a
paradigm shift for women. By taking a stand, the women of
Malicounda have fired a shot at gender apartheid a shot that's
being heard through- out Africa - and around the world.
©Sally Armstrong, Nov/Dec 1998, Homemaker's,
reprinted by permission to this web site: http://www.fgm.org
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