This article was published for the first time on the symposium on Women orgnised by Darb al intifada
Women and politics in the Sudan
Comments by Dr. Mahgoub Eltigani
the President of the Sudanese Human Rights Organization, Cairo,
Dear Participants and readers,
The Symposium made it possible for many women and men to share ideas, criticisms, and proposed programs to promote the status of women in the Sudan and abroad, especially in the political arena.
The Symposium provided an intellectual platform to express the frustration, anger, and hope to change the degrading situation of Sudanese women in the social life as well as participation in the national decision making.
A few observations include:
(1) There is a strong need to differentiate between strategies and tactics. For example, working towards the establishment of a self-sufficient feminist revolutionary movement is clearly a long-sighted strategic goal-achievement. The implementation of this strategy necessarily requires the adoption of the tactics, including different activities by many organizations. In other words, to apply the ideas of Prof. Sondra, Dr. Nazik, Dr.Nahid and Suad, that layout broad strategic goals for the most part, versus a workable programs/agenda by Fatima, Zeinab, Magda and Magdoleen which involve possibility of implementing a political action within the existing arena in the immediate situation.
(2) Sudan needs all these strategies and tactics. The women made it clear that to establish a New Sudan in the next millennium, new ideologies, understanding, and applicable programs must be fully recognized by Sudanese people, women and men. The message of the Sudanese women must be widely disseminated to reach and also to convince women and men alike. In a country dominated by males, it is thoughtful to call for women's unity and organization. It is equally important to ensure men's support and cooperation.
(3) The challenges facing the accomplishment of these noble goals are difficult. But they are not impossible. Women are determined to continue the struggle. Men are becoming much more enlightened than ever before. Political organization, social awareness, and economic activity should be closely integrated and coordinated. There is no one way to change the situation. The burden is heavy. And women's progress has to come by with diversity of thought and action.
(4) The ideas voiced about religion are understandable. Those critical of "Islam" should have to be much more sensitive to the meanings and terminology of Islam and/or Muslim domains. Islam as a faith (Qur'an and Hadith), Islam as Muslim interpretations and /or schools of Shari'a (Maliki, Hanbali, Shafi', Zhahiri, Zaidi, Shiite, Sofi, Muslim Republican, etc), are not the same and one Islam. The differences are scholarly and could be difficult for those not well-versed in Islamic teachings and faith. The need to acquire adequate understanding of the differences between all these entities is important toward the achievement of women's programs among the vast majority of Sudanese Muslim women and men. Many Muslim scholars and organizations are working now to sharpen our knowledge in this area. Progressive ideas and modern views based on Muslim faith are available. It is dangerous to mix up such ideas or practices with reactionary abuses of Islam by people or governments.
(5) International human rights norms constitute a significant foundation for the advancement of women's rights in the Sudan. One indeed is delighted to have read the Charter and Program of Action (Zeinab/SWF, Cairo) and the Memorandum (Fatima and Zahra, The Committee of Al-Tasaddi). The Charter and Memorandum share most of their ideas. Why not rephrase them as one comprehensive document?
These are works that well address the NDA forces as the largest Sudanese body struggling for political power in the Sudan today. It is important to continue the pressure on NDA leadership and supporters to pay much more attention to women's rights. As all of the women informed, their unity and organizational activities, urban and rural, must be utilized to the maximum degree possible to force the NDA to realize women's rights. This is such a vital agreement which further requires that all women assess their organizational abilities, emphasize strengths and strongholds, and criticize objectively all the weaknesses of their own organizations and activities to continue the struggle.
(6) Another important issue pertains to the need to broaden NDA alliance so that it contains among its membership organizations that have been so far isolated from the NDA although they support democratic rule and women's rights. Added to such organizations, I suggest that the Darb Alintifada group be represented as a full member of the NDA Leadership Council in the next NDA Conference. This conference must be made and include all Sudanese Democratic Opposition Groups in exiles.
Let us then start a strong campaign in this direction to ensure membership of all Sudanese democratic groups and organizations, women and men, in the NDA Leadership Council.
This same campaign must recognize at the same time the right of the major parties of the country, specifically the Umma and the Democratic Unionist, to enjoy membership of the NDA and to have their own struggles and organizational settings the way their own membership desires in accordance with the NDA Charter.
(7) Finally, a small footnote is addressed to Adil: I have not asked the SCP to recognize the heroic role that Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim has been playing with the SWU to promote women's rights in the Sudan, including the well documented struggle of SWU for representation of women in the NDA along with the SWF in Cairo.
The reason is that I believe SWU is an independent women's organization despite the fact that the SCP maintained close relations with the leadership of the Union, perhaps in the past more than the present time.
Mahgoub El-Tigani
November 16th, 1998