"The same day April 12, 1945 I saw my first horror camp. It was near the town of
Gotha. I have never felt able to describe my emotional reactions when I first came face
to face with indisputable evidence of Nazi brutality and ruthless disregard of every shred
of decency. Up to that time I had known about it only generally or through secondary
sources. I am certain, however that I have never at any other time experienced an equal
sense of shock.
"I visited every nook and cranny of the camp because I felt it my duty to be in a position
from then on to testify at first hand about these things in case there ever grew up at
home the belief or assumption that `the stories of Nazi brutality were just propaganda.'
Some members of the visiting party were unable to through the ordeal. I not only did so
but as soon as I returned to Patton's headquarters that evening I sent communications to
both Washington and London, urging the two governments to send instantly to Germany
a random group of newspaper editors and representative groups from the national
legislatures. I felt that the evidence should be immediately placed before the American
and British publics in a fashion that would leave no room for cynical doubt."
"Of all these Displaced Persons the Jews were in the most deplorable condition. For
years they had been beaten, starved, and tortured."
And in "Ike the Soldier: As they knew him" (G.P. Putnam and Sons, New York, 1987) Merle Miller
quotes Eisenhower speaking on April 25th 1945 to the members of Congress and Journalists who
had been shown Buchenwald the day before:
"You saw only one camp yesterday. There are many others. Your responsibilities, I
believe, extend into a great field, and informing the people at home of things like these
atrocities is one of them... Nothing is covered up. We have nothing to conceal. The
barbarous treatment these people received in the German concentration camps is
almost unbelievable. I want you to see for yourself and be spokesmen for the United
States."
Our choices were to remain behind and hopefully be liberated by whoever was fighting, and it was
the Russians I wasn't for it. I really and truly was feeling more secure. It the not talking, the going to
bed, the just living in total silence and darkness, somehow was a more secure feeling than I had had
for years. And I couldn't think beyond that.
As much as Toby wanted to stay back, I never believed that it would really ever be liberated or that
there is anything else left for us or any future. I just wanted to be secure in that little hole of ours.
I just, I never thought beyond tonight anyway, I never cared beyond tonight.
As a matter of fact when the shelling from the tanks became so intense, Toby and I when we were in
our foxholes, we always laid down on top of each other. Because we wanted, whatever hits one
should hit the other. Our main pardon me our main concern was one shouldn't have to watch the
other, whether it be hurt, wounded or dying, that was our main concern that whatever happened
should happen to both of us.
And after the bombing stopped for a few minutes, we were completely covered with blood. Toby
would go and say, is that your blood or somebody else's? No, no, it's not mine it doesn't hurt. So as
long as it wasn't yours, fine. By the next morning there was us, Toby and I, and I believe one soldier
remained alive. Everyone else was dead or wounded or you know.
Toby said, she said to him, my sister and I will go into the town, to the Russians, and we're going to
tell them a lie. That we are Jewish and that you, the Germans, that you saved our lives, and all of this
whole big story and we'll come back for you. He showed us a rope that he had and he said, if you're
not back by noon or whatever it was I'll hang myself. And Toby having a heart as big as a barn, you
know, when we walked away she said, maybe we'll come back for him. I said, you are crazy. All I'm
going to wait for is the time that I can tell that he is dead.
And then our problems began. We were liberated by the Russians.
We stayed in this camp until the end of March 1945. Then they suddenly put us in trucks. We got off
the trucks and they made us walk. We really didn't walk very well at that time. I leaned on Ellie, Ellie
leaned on Sabina. And we came through a gate it looked similar to Auschwitz, watchtowers _ and
I looked on the right and the left. There were huge mountains of shoes, just shoes, any color, any
size, maybe ten feet tall, mountains of shoes, no feet, no legs, shoes. They counted us into a barracks,
somebody got the information that this was Bergen Belsen. And that night the woman screamed
continually, no bunks, and she gave birth to maybe a half pound, a pound, large infant. The infant
died immediately. She didn't even know she was pregnant. In Bergen Belsen there was no water,
there was hardly any food. There were open, open, not even ditches, open huge pits with bodies,
naked bodies. Most of them were decaying in green.. There was a tremendous amount of typhoid.
There was no work to be done, I mean no work details, nothing. We were there approximately I
would guess two weeks, give or take. And then one morning we saw the SS on the other side of the
wire and they had white armbands n their left sleeve. It didn't mean much to us. Everything was the
same, maybe less food, but they didn't come into the camp _ they as a rule they didn't_ and by lunch
time we heard enormous noises. And then we saw tanks rolling in the main avenue. That was it.
I started working for the English that afternoon.
I: Did you have any idea what was going on?
E: No. None. Nothing in and nothing out. The British didn't know. They had no idea what they were
finding and they were looking for interpreters because they had trouble with this multitude of
languages. I could manage a couple of them, not all of them, but at least for the Hungarian Jews I
could speak Yiddish. With the Polish Jews, either Polish or Yiddish. With the Russians, I sort of
spoke some Polish or Russian, but they were not Jewish, the Russian prisoners. And they had no
idea what they had found. They found people, that night they dispersed food stuffs from the German
warehouses and there were two pound cans of pork and fat. And being hungry you open them and
you eat; by the morning you are dead. That's how we lost Ellie's mother. Ellie got very sick and she
couldn't even eat, by then she had tuberculosis, she lost a lung in the meantime. And for some reason
I had the common sense to ask the major for whom I worked for some biscuits and I didn't eat the
pork. I just ate dry biscuits, the first day the second day, we went from barrack to barrack. And he
wanted to talk to the people and to know where they're from. And half of them couldn't even talk to
them, you know, it was too late.
There was a man who had a knife in his hand, he must have weighed almost seventy pounds. And he
was slicing away at a corpse and eating the raw flesh. It was unreal. Because you walked around,
you could see it, I think the first order was to bring water and food and bury the dead. And to have
some hospitals opened. While they made many mistakes, they also did a lot of good. I mean they
tried. I worked for them as an interpreter until they had to rush me out of Germany in December
1945. Sometimes a translator, once I was asked to translate when they had caught a German who
never was in the Army, who never was an SS, after much interrogation it turned out he was SS. He
was stationed in (Avanenburg), and towards the end of the interrogation the major took his gun out
of his holster, released the safety and put it in front of me. I picked it up but I couldn't shoot. I
couldn't. And then I asked him if he was interested in the 42 SS from the camp near Hamburg. I had
memorized their names and addresses from just doing the paperwork. And he said, yes, let's pick
them up.
"I, personally, was the first Allied soldier to enter the city square of Witten, a large city
on the Ruhr River. I led a patrol through the city, and incidentally, passed a slave camp
that occupied the entire city square. Behind the barbed wire of that camp were French,
Dutch, Belgian, Polish, Czech and Soviet prisoners; most were prisoners of war; some
were people that had been dragooned into slavery. They worked in the local mills and
mines. I found, personally, I saw personally, the effects of the German intent to destroy
peoples by starvation, exhaustion and disease. The prisoners were segregated by
nationality. The French, Dutch, etc. were the best off, the Soviets the worst. The
Soviets were reduced to cannibalism, I saw! I smelled it, all of A and B companies, 1st
Battalion 289th Infantry Battalion saw it. This was the first such sight as we conquered
Germany. It was far from the last. These were not concentration camps with gas
chambers and ovens. In these slave camps people were systematically killed by
starvation and disease. This camp held 6,000 people. A total of 30,000 had passed
through it. The 24,000 had died during the years 1943, 1944 and one-half of 1945.
This too was a death camp, one of thousands of such camps in Germany. I personally
saw, as a front line soldier, at least 200 such camps large and small.
German is my third language. I spoke with many Germans, every one to whom I spoke
acknowledged the existence of these death camps. At least one-third acknowledged the
existence of the concentration camps, and the Einsatzgruppen, the murder squad which
operated throughout Eastern Europe. No one admitted to being a participant. Hundreds
informed on their friends and neighbors as having been participants. I participated in
identifying persons for arrest and trial as war criminals. This was Kreis Brillon in
Westphalia, Germany."
EICHMANN, [KARL] ADOLF (1906-1962). SS officer charged with the destruction of millions
of Jews. ... He hated the Jews he met in Vienna, a sentiment stimulated by attendance at Nazi
meetings. "Hitler was right," he said later, "when he charged that this one people had intrigued to link
as many nations as possible against our country and bring about the terrible times we are going
through." ... In 1932 he became a member of the Austrian Nazi party. As a protégé of Ernst
Kaltenbrunner, he took part in Nazi activities, which brought him to the attention of the Austrian
police.
...he learned that there was an opening in Heinrich Himmler's SD (Sicherheitsdienst), the information
center for the Gestapo. Himmler, who believed that Eichmann could speak Hebrew, made him head
of the Scientific Museum for Jewish Affairs.... he was promoted rapidly ... Obersturmbannfuhrer
(lieutenant colonel). After service in the Reich Central Office of Jewish Emigration, he was made
chief of Subsection IV-B-4 of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA), the Reich Central Security
Office, as an expert on Jewish affairs. He was present at the Wannsee Conference on January 20,
1942, when it was decided to deport Jews to the extermination camps. In August 1944 Eichmann
reported to Himmler that, although the death camps kept no exact statistics, 4 million Jews had died
in them and that 2 million more had been shot or killed by mobile units."
Eichmann was arrested by Israeli agents, in Argentina, and smuggled to Israel in May of 1960. He
was tried, convicted, and hung (May 31, 1962) for crimes against the Jewish people and humanity
HOESS, RUDOLF FRANZ (1900-1947)... In 1934 he was attached to the SS at Dachau ...
1940 given rank of SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer in command at the Auschwitz camp. [He] was responsible
for the execution of more than 2.5 million inmates, not counting a half million who were allowed to
starve to death. He performed his job so well that he was commended in a 1944 SS report that
called him "a true pioneer in this area because of his new ideas and educational methods." He was
sentenced to death at Warsaw and was executed several days later at Auschwitz.
"...He joined the Nazi party in 1922 and, in the next year, was implicated in the murder of a school
teacher. Sentenced to life imprisonment, he was release in a general amnesty in 1928, into the arms,
as it were, of Adolf Hitler. He was trained in apprenticeship positions at Dachau and Sachenhausen
and, in 1940, having amply demonstrated his loyalty, he was given the commandant's post at
Auschwitz. He managed its murder machine until December 1943, when his record earned him
appointment as chief of the Central Administration for Camps.
As the inevitability of the German defeat became clear even to the Nazi elite, the concern to escape
retributive punishment that overwhelmed the Nazis in the other camps took priority at Auschwitz too.
It was imperative to destroy all implicating evidence and simultaneously kill off as many inmates as
possible. The rest were to be shipped to camps that had not yet been endangered by the Allied
sweep. As early as November 1944, the gas chambers that had choked out the lives of millions were
closed and blown up. Incriminating documents were shredded and burned. In his autobiography,
written later in prison, Hoess described how, having been promoted to an office in Berlin, he had
tried to get back to Auschwitz to help supervise the transport of the Jews. Thwarted, or perhaps
realizing the folly of moving toward the Russians, Hoess joined in the exodus toward the
Schleswig-Holstein border of Denmark on the northwest. He wrote: `It was a gruesome journey,
from one clump of trees to the next, as the enemy's low flying planes continually machine-gunned the
escape route.' <2> The roads were clogged with dying prisoners, disoriented civilians, and deflated
SS warriors and soldiers. En route, the villages were pillaged for food; but the civilian inhabitants,
fully aware that they could expect no quarter from the Russians, had already turned tail, loaded down
with whatever they could carry. When the news was flashed that the Fuehrer himself had committed
suicide, all discipline collapsed.
Hoess was captured in May 1945, along with several hundred thousand Germans and collaborators.
He escaped early recognition and took work on a farm near Flensburg, but was rearrested by the
British some months later. He had carried, as did all high-ranking Nazis, a poison phial, but claimed it
had been broken, and so he was denied the honorable exit of suicide. Hoess was a key witness in
Nuremberg at the trial of one of his chiefs, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who was to be convicted and
executed in October 1946. He also testified at the trial of the tycoons of I.G. Farben, Germany's
leading industrial firm, indicted for their slave labor activities during the war. In may he was delivered
to the Poles, who had been waiting impatiently to deal with him.
Hoess's incarceration lasted almost a year. He used this enforced leisure to write a rambling
autobiography in which, though he denied responsibility for many crimes attributed to him, he damned
himself out of his own mouth. He claimed to have been a `cog in the wheel of the great extermination
machine created by the Third Reich.' Occasionally in the narrative there were expressions of
astonishment at the mild treatment he experienced from his captors and at the fairness of his judges,
`though they were nearly all Jews.'
There was also recognition that his acts were not benevolent, as when he described the gassing of
nine hundred Russians with Zyklon B. `It made me uncomfortable: I shuddered.'<3>
Hoess took pride in his exemplary family life, the devotion to his children and his pets. He recalled,
wistfully, how he had been obliged to tear himself away from a Christmas gathering to attend to
duties at the gas chambers. The daily death quota then was still a mere 1,500, but he was eager to
make sure it was met. When one of his lieutenants was condemned to death for his part in the
Auschwitz murders, Hoess and his family lamented: `Such a compassionate man, too. When his pet
canary died, he tenderly put the body in a small box, covered it with a rose, and buried it under a
rose bush in the garden.'<4>
The evidence given at Hoess's trial repeated, in good measure, what he had written. He described,
with the dispassion of a robot, how he had gradually stepped up executions, beginning with a few
hundred a day and then, as methods were perfected, rising to 1,200. By mid-1942, facilities had
been sufficiently enlarged to dispatch 1,500 people over a twenty-four-hour period for the smaller
ovens, and up to 2,500 for the larger ones. By 1943, when the Hungarian Jews were shipped in, a
new daily peak of 12,000 was achieved. Hoess described the final routines of the extermination
process. These were assigned to squads of Jewish prisoners, the Sonderkommandos. They marched
the victims to the gas chambers, helped to undress them, removed the corpses after the gassing,
extracted gold from their teeth and rings from their fingers, searched the orifices of their bodies for
hidden jewelry, cut off the hair of the women, and then carted the bodies to the crematoria. Usually
after several weeks of such service they were executed, first because they were Jews but also so that
they would not be witnesses if ever testimony were required. One of the survivors, Dora Klein, who
served as a nurse, wrote 1I had a feeling that I was in a place which was half hell and half lunatic
asylum.'" Hoess was tried in Warsaw, in March of 1947, and condemned to death. He was hanged
on April 7.