After the JVP achievements in the provincial council polls
the discourse on the socialism has come forward. The journalists especially
foreign journalists asked many questions from the party. “Do you still accept
the validity of socialism? What are your principles? Do you continue with open
economy? Will you welcome investors?” Such were the general type of questions
asked. These questions have as a whole inquired about the model of a socialist
economy and thereby raised some other theoretical questions.
Most of the questions on JVP socialism were based on the
experiences of Soviet or China models of Socialism.
Some other questions raised have been entangled with the presumption that the JVP has declined to reformism. So it is worth to discuss about the socialism, its economic models as well as its theoretical difference from the reformism.
Socialism has been a topic discussed for centuries and
therefore it has earned many lengthy and short definitions. In order to avoid
confusion on the JVP principles among general public, socialist economy must be
described both in model examples and in political analysis. To understand the
socialist economy in political point of view, we have to see it from different
directions. Industrial development, agricultural development, resources
management, planning the economy and the centralization of economy are not the
steps only implemented by socialist regimes, but also capitalist regimes follow
those steps. So within Sri Lanka the importance of these steps are doubtless.
Then what is the difference of socialism? For that we have to see it in a
different point of view.
A social system is described not by the
existence of property or the appearance of economy. The social class determines
the social system, which is in state power. A society where the capitalist
class rules, existence of developed industries, attentive welfare scheme and
the state owned property do not make it a socialist economy. The best example
is the Coalition Govt of 1970-77. It could nationalize various private owned
industries in the name of socialism. But it never became socialist since the
state power was in the hands of capitalists. So the ownership of “state power”
is used to recognize a social system with its economy.
This is also applicable about us. Taking state power in to
the hands of proletariat class is a prerequisite to create a socialist economy.
In other words the political party, which represents the objectives of working
class and proletariat, must come to state power. A proletariat state power
should be established. The initial steps of socialism by which it specifically
differ from capitalist economy can be taken after that.
Instead, mere good management of economy in a capitalist
regime does not make it a socialist economy. Lenin providing socialism with a
brief definition wrote that it is abolishment of classes. The meaning of this
classlessness is nothing but fare distribution of the result of social
production among each member of the society, secured by the planning of
socialist economy. It also emphasize that by and by private property declines
together with exploitation within a setup of conditions politically, legally,
constitutionally and socially prepared for that aim. A centralization of
economic planning is required for socialism under that political framework, not
except that. If the capitalist class rules, exploitation will prevail and
income difference separates the people as exploiter and exploited even within a
better management. That is the basic obstacle against, development of a country
as well as solving of endless public problems.
Another problem raised at the party accuses that by
expecting certain private property conditions within socialist economy, JVP has
declined to reformism. This is owing to the politically misjudgment of
socialism for communist system and measuring socialism from the earlier models
of socialist economy. Socialism is not a social stage, with common property. It
is a period of transition from capitalism towards communism. It is also a
period of struggle between defeated capitalism and growing communism. Defeated,
capitalism viciously fights back to retain its lost glory. Having defeated
capitalist state power but still feeble, communism continues its struggle for
victory. Within this period of transition there will be private property as
well as state owned public property. Proletariat’s govt will act to develop
common (communist) property while decreasing the amount of private property.
But here only capital(including property used for exploitation) we recognize as
private property not the consumer items and living needs such as houses.
Within a country in socialist transition the amounts of
private and common property would be determined by the capitalist development
it had undergone by the time of socialist revolution. In a highly developed
capitalist state the difference between common and private property would be
narrower and in a backward capitalist state the difference might be broader.
However in the socialism the important point is not that difference, but
whether or not the whole property is put under a good development program as
well as the fruits of that program are divided among people as a whole. Within
the Capitalism, the process of production is alienated and anarchistic. But
socialistic production is a process of well-planned complex activity. Investments
will also undergo same treatment. Communism cannot prevail except with all the
countries becoming communist. Socialism is prevalent while these countries head
for communism. There will be socialist and capitalist countries during that
transition and the relations among all these countries are inevitable.
Therefore the investments will also prevalent. Especially when a backward
country is seeking for socialist economic development, it may need investments
and new technology from capitalist states. That is not necessarily reformism or
decline, but a tasteful method for obtaining new tools for socialist economic
development. It must not mistake for selling of national assets for cheaper
prices, handing over the profitable institutions for investors hands.
One must understand reformism with its political basis. It
is reformism to continue in the capitalist path merely with minor economic
adjustments, without changing exploitative institutions and without taking
state power to the hands of proletariat. Denial of taking state power to the
hands of proletariat and to suggest ‘better’ changes in economy will definitely
be reformism. There are enough of these types of politicians who do not
recognize the importance of state power for the process of exploitation. But
Marxists when dealing with the problem of socialism consider state power and
property ownership play an important role.
There may be 3 types of property within a socialist state:
1. State property ( the mainstream economic property controlled under
proletarian govt )
2. Common(communist) property and
3. Private property( medium scale or minor property )
While capitalist mode of production prevails in a country
that depicts a growth or existence of a capitalist class. But the proletarian
state acts to obstruct that to happen by means of legislations as well as
socialistic aspirations, mentalities and expectations made victorious among
people’s hearts.
The public mentalities are formed fit for the socialist
production. The private expectations are fulfilled under the common needs
basis. Socialism provides these basic needs in the place of common necessities.
That surely may affect public mentalities on the direction suitable for common
aspirations of people. It will create a social background, which protects and
process the socialist principles.
However the need of understanding the
socialism under the conditions bound with the results of a socialist revolution
must be insisted. And that transition period to be created under practical
situations is comparable neither with capitalist economic conditions nor with
existed socialist economies. Finally the fact must be clear; socialism is not a
“heaven” to be described in a political manifesto or in a political analysis
but an economic structure to be erected practically among subjective
socio-political conditions.