Emergence of a Palestinian identity.
The catastrophe of 1948 (also called an-nakba) and the experience of
exile shaped Palestinian political and cultural activity for the next
generation. The central task of reconstruction fell to Palestinians
living outside Israel--both in the West Bank and Gaza communities and
in the new Palestinian communities outside the former British mandate.
(Arabs living within the State of Israel remained in an ambiguous,
isolated situation and were regarded with some suspicion by both Israelis
and Palestinians.) The new leaders came disproportionately from among
those who had moved to various Middle Eastern states and to the West,
even though four out of five Palestinians had remained within the borders
of the former mandate. By the mid-1960s, despite Israeli efforts to
forestall the emergence of a new Palestinian identity, a young, educated
leadership had arisen, replacing the discredited traditional local
and clan leaders.
The role of camps.
Palestinian refugee camps differed depending on the country in which
they were located, but they shared one common development--the emergence
of a "diaspora consciousness." In time this consciousness grew into
a new national identity and reinvigorated social institutions, leading
to the establishment of more complex social and political structures
by the 1960s. A new Palestinian leadership emerged from the schools UNRWA
had established, as well as from the universities of Egypt, Syria,
Lebanon, western Europe, and the United States. Palestinians living
in the UNRWA-administered refugee camps felt isolated, politically
powerless, disoriented, bitter, and resentful. They remained unassimilated
and were generating a new sense of identity based on a Nasser-inspired
pan-Arabism, the cultivated memory of a lost paradise (Palestine),
and an emerging pan-Islamic movement
The role of Palestinians outside formerly mandated Palestine.
By the late 1960s a class of educated and mobile Palestinians had
emerged, with fewer than half of them living in the West Bank or Gaza.
They were working in the oil companies, civil services, and educational
institutions of most Arab states in the Middle East., they joined the
process of reshaping Palestinian consciousness and institutions. Thus,
Palestinians entered a new stage of the struggle for nationhood.
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
An Arab summit meeting in Cairo in 1964 led to the formation of the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). A political umbrella organization
of several Palestinian groups, the PLO thereafter consistently claimed
to be the sole representative of all Palestinian people. Its first leader
was Ahmad Shuqayri, a protégé of Egypt. In its charter (the Palestine
National Charter, or Covenant), the PLO delineated its basic principles
and goals, the most important of which were the right to an independent
state, the total liberation of Palestine.
Fatah and other guerrilla organizations.
Several years before the creation of the PLO, a secret organization had
been formed: the (Harakat at-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini), known from
a reversal of its Arabic initials as Fatah. Both the PLO and Fatah undertook
the training of units for raids on Israel. In addition to Fatah, the
largest and most influential guerrilla organization, several others
emerged in the late 1960s. The most important ones were the (PFLP);
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command
(PFLP-General Command, a splinter group from the PFLP); as-Sa'iqah,
backed by Syria; the (DFLP); and the Popular Struggle Front (PSF).
These groups joined forces inside the PLO despite their differences
in ideology and tactics In 1969 Yasser Arfat, leader of Fatah, became
chairman of the PLO's executive committee and thus the chief of the
Palestinian national movement
Despite their differences in tactics and ideology, the guerrilla organizations
were united in rejecting any political settlement that did not include what
they characterized as the total liberation of Palestine and the return
of the refugees to their homeland, goals that were to be achieved through
armed struggle.They also sought to establish a nonsectarian state in
which Jews, Christians, and Muslims could live in equality.
Most Israelis doubted the sincerity or practicality of this goal and
viewed the PLO as a terrorist organization committed to destroying
not only the Zionist state but also Israeli Jews.
Moving toward self-rule.
The approaching end of the Cold War left the Palestinians diplomatically
isolated, as did PLO support for Iraqi President Saddam Hussin who had
invaded Kuwait in August 1990 but was defeated by a U.S.-led alliance
on January-February 1991. Funds from Saudi Arabia, , and the Arab Gulf
states dried up. The Palestinian community in Kuwait, which had consisted
of about 400,000 people, was reduced to a few thousand. Economic hardship
was compounded by the fact that during the continuing incidents along
the Lebanese border and in the occupied territories Israel imposed severe
travel restrictions on Palestinian day labourers. The overall result was
a loss of jobs, a loss of morale, and loss of support for the PLO leadership
in Tunis However, prospects for a settlement of the outstanding issues
between the Palestinians and Israel became significantly altered by several
factors: the convening of an international peace conference between Israeli
and Arab delegates (including Palestinians from the occupied territories
as part of a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation) at Madrid in October
1991, sponsored by the United States and the Soviet Union (later Russia)
the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991; and the replacement,
in the Israeli general elections of June 1992, of Shamir and the Likud-bloc
government with a Labour Party government that was committed to the
implementation of Palestinian autonomy within a year Although progress
at the Madrid peace conference was discouraging, secret meetings held in
Norway from January 1993 between PLO and Israeli officials produced promising
results.
On Sept. 13, 1993, the PLO and Israel signed a historic "Declaration
of Principles" in Washington, D.C. It included mutual recognition and
terms whereby governing functions in the West Bank and Gaza would be
progressively handed over to a Palestinian Council for an interim period
of five years, during which time Israel and the Palestinians would negotiate
a permanent peace treaty to settle on the final status of the territories.
The Israelis completed their withdrawal from the West Bank town of Jericho and
the Gaza Strip in May 1994. On July 1 'Arafat entered Gaza in triumph.
Four days later he swore in members of the Palestinian Authority (PA)
in Jericho, which by the end of the year had assumed control of education
and culture, social welfare, health, tourism, and taxation .
On Sept. 28, 1995, 'Arafat, Prime Minister Rabin, and Foreign Minister
Perez signed an agreement in Washington providing for the expansion of
Palestinian self-rule in the West Bank and for elections of a chairman
and a legislative council of the PA.
The PA would gain control over six large West Bank towns (Janin, Nabulus,
Tulkarm, Qalqiyah, Ram Allah, and Bethlehem) as well as control over most
of Hebron. Israel would also gradually redeploy from some 440 villages,
which would come under Palestinian rule. Security for these areas would
rest with the Palestinian police, although Israelis would be guaranteed
freedom of movement. Reaffirming the commitment made in the 1993 peace
accord, permanent-status negotiations were to be concluded by 1999
In October 1995, as West Bank villages, towns, and cities were handed
over to the PA, right-wing religious and extremist nationalist Israelis
stepped up their rhetoric against Rabin and the peace process.
On Nov. 4, 1995, Israelis were stunned when Rabin was assassinated
by a Jewish . Peres, Rabin's successor, quickly expressed his
determination to continue the planned Israeli deployments
Elections were held in PA-administered areas on Jan. 20, 1996, in which
about three-fourths of Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza voted.
Arfat secured more than 88 percent of the vote and assumed the chairmanship
of the PA on February 12. He also remained chairman of the PLO.
Fatah won 55 seats in the 88-seat legislative council.Hamas, however,
did not participate in the election and continued its opposition to
the peace process. The progress toward peace was further cast into doubt
when Niteniaho, right-wing leader of the Likud Party, was elected prime
minister of Israel in May 1996.
The End
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