My
Countrymen:
No
one can contemplate current conditions without finding
much that is satisfying and still more that is
encouraging. Our own country is leading the world in the
general readjustment to the results of the great conflict.
Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years,
and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to
experience for some time. But we are beginning to
comprehend more definitely what course should be pursued,
what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be
taken for our deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a
determined will faithfully and conscientiously to adopt
these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently
rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has
returned, business has revived, and we appear to be
entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching
into every part of the Nation. Realizing that we can not
live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our
resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering
and the settlement of the disputes among the European
nations. Because of what America is and what America has
done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart
of all humanity.
These
results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been
secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by
many sacrifices and extending over many generations. We
can not continue these brilliant successes in the future,
unless we continue to learn from the past. It is necessary
to keep the former experiences of our country both at home
and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any
science of government. If we wish to erect new structures,
we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations.
We must realize that human nature is about the most
constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of
human relationship do not change. We must frequently take
our bearings from these fixed stars of our political
firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we
examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the
more accurately what we can do.
We
stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year
since our national consciousness first asserted itself by
unmistakable action with an array of force. The old
sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared
in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation.
Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local
charter for the broader opportunities of a national
constitution. Under the eternal urge of freedom we became
an independent Nation. A little less than 50 years later
that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face
of all the world, and guarded, supported, and secured by
the Monroe doctrine. The narrow fringe of States along the
Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills
and plains of an intervening continent until it passed
down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom a
birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in
order to safeguard our own interests and accepted the
consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon
less favored peoples. In the defense of our own ideals and
in the general cause of liberty we entered the Great War.
When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our
own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty
done.
Throughout
all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we
have strengthened our independence. We have been, and
propose to be, more and more American. We believe that we
can best serve our own country and most successfully
discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be
openly and candidly, intensely and scrupulously, American.
If we have any heritage, it has been that. If we have any
destiny, we have found it in that direction.
But
if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we
must continue to make that term comprehensive enough to
embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and
enlightened people determined in all their relations to
pursue a conscientious and religious life. We can not
permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and
phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive,
which is of real importance. It is not the name of the
action, but the result of the action, which is the chief
concern. It will be well not to be too much disturbed by
the thought of either isolation or entanglement of
pacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of
the earth has separated us from all of the Old World, but
the common brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our
being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all
humanity. Our country represents nothing but peaceful
intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail
to maintain such a military force as comports with the
dignity and security of a great people. It ought to be a
balanced force, intensely modern, capable of defense by
sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air. But it
should be so conducted that all the world may see in it,
not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace.
This
Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under
which the rights of its citizens are to be everywhere
protected. It has never found that the necessary enjoyment
of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and
threatening array of arms. In common with other nations,
it is now more determined than ever to promote peace
through friendliness and good will, through mutual
understandings and mutual forbearance. We have never
practiced the policy of competitive armaments. We have
recently committed ourselves by covenants with the other
great nations to a limitation of our sea power. As one
result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than
it ever did before. Removing the burden of expense and
jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is
one of the most effective methods of diminishing that
unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the
most potent means of fomenting war. This policy represents
a new departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal,
which has led to an entirely new line of action. It will
not be easy to maintain. Some never moved from their old
positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old
ways of thought and the old action of seizing a musket and
relying on force. America has taken the lead in this new
direction, and that lead America must continue to hold. If
we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we
must show that we rely on their fairness and justice.
If
we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be
hoped for in international relations from frequent
conferences and consultations. We have before us the
beneficial results of the Washington conference and the
various consultations recently held upon European affairs,
some of which were in response to our suggestions and in
some of which we were active participants. Even the
failures can not but be accounted useful and an
immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I
am strongly in favor of continuation of this policy,
whenever conditions are such that there is even a promise
that practical and favorable results might be secured.
In
conformity with the principle that a display of reason
rather than a threat of force should be the determining
factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long
advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by methods
of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure
that result. The same considerations should lead to our
adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice.
Where great principles are involved, where great movements
are under way which promise much for the welfare of
humanity by reason of the very fact that many other
nations have given such movements their actual support, we
ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any
small and inessential difference, but only upon the ground
of the most important and compelling fundamental reasons.
We can not barter away our independence or our
sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of
logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away
the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might
of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its
position of leadership in the world, actively and
comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its
full share of the responsibility of a candid and
disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal
for the administration of even-handed justice between
nation and nation. The weight of our enormous influence
must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of
law and trial, not by battle but by reason.
We
have never any wish to interfere in the political
conditions of any other countries. Especially are we
determined not to become implicated in the political
controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of
hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to
maintain order, protect life and property, and establish
responsible government in some of the small countries of
the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens have advanced
large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing
and relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall
we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human
suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed
nations. These, too, are requirements which must be met by
reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the
world.
Some
of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a
formula for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification
of the principles of international law would be helpful,
and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for
adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy
and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest
studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive
war. But all these plans and preparations, these treaties
and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate. One of
the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic
pressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of
the most practical things to be done in the world is to
seek arrangements under which such pressure may be
removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may
be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and
endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity. In
the making and financing of such adjustments there is not
only an opportunity, but a real duty, for America to
respond with her counsel and her resources. Conditions
must be provided under which people can make a living and
work out of their difficulties. But there is another
element, more important than all, without which there can
not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace. That
element lies in the heart of humanity. Unless the desire
for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and
only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its
highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain.
Peace will come when there is realization that only under
a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by
the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can
there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life.
Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the
spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.
It
seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to
these important objects by maintaining our position of
political detachment and independence. We are not
identified with any Old World interests. This position
should be made more and more clear in our relations with
all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them.
Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist. But
while we do justice to others, we must require that
justice be done to us. With us a treaty of peace means
peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made
great contributions to the settlement of contentious
differences in both Europe and Asia. But there is a very
definite point beyond which we can not go. We can only
help those who help themselves. Mindful of these
limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires
us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the
world.
While
we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we
have done abroad, we must remember that our continued
success in that direction depends upon what we do at home.
Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to
conduct our Government by means of political parties. That
system would not have survived from generation to
generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and
provided the best instrumentalities for the most complete
expression of the popular will. It is not necessary to
claim that it has always worked perfectly. It is enough to
know that nothing better has been devised. No one would
deny that there should be full and free expression and an
opportunity for independence of action within the party.
There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted
partisanship. But if there is to be responsible party
government, the party label must be something more than a
mere device for securing office. Unless those who are
elected under the same party designation are willing to
assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient
loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with
each other in the support of the broad general principles,
of the party platform, the election is merely a mockery,
no decision is made at the polls, and there is no
representation of the popular will. Common honesty and
good faith with the people who support a party at the
polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume
the control of that portion of the Government to which it
has been elected. Any other course is bad faith and a
violation of the party pledges.
When
the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by
making it a majority in the Congress, it has a right to
expect such unity of action as will make the party
majority an effective instrument of government. This
Administration has come into power with a very clear and
definite mandate from the people. The expression of the
popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional
guarantees was overwhelming and decisive. There was a
manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts
that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to
come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of
railroads and certain electric utilities met with
unmistakable defeat. The people declared that they wanted
their rights to have not a political but a judicial
determination, and their independence and freedom
continued and supported by having the ownership and
control of their property, not in the Government, but in
their own hands. As they always do when they have a fair
chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and
are determined to have a sound government.
When
we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was
accepted, the policy that stands out with the greatest
clearness is that of economy in public expenditure with
reduction and reform of taxation. The principle involved
in this effort is that of conservation. The resources of
this country are almost beyond computation. No mind can
comprehend them. But the cost of our combined governments
is likewise almost beyond definition. Not only those who
are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the
enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by
hard experience what this great burden is and what it
does. No matter what others may want, these people want a
drastic economy. They are opposed to waste. They know that
extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the
rewards of their labor. I favor the policy of economy, not
because I wish to save money, but because I wish to save
people. The men and women of this country who toil are the
ones who bear the cost of the Government. Every dollar
that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so
much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save
means that their life will be so much the more abundant.
Economy is idealism in its most practical form.
If
extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through
taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously
affecting the people, it would not be of so much
consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solving our
tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the
great nations this country is best in a position to adopt
that simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime
revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not
absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt
contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of
legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of
industry belong to those who earn them. The only
constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public
necessity. The property of the country belongs to the
people of the country. Their title is absolute. They do
not support any privileged class; they do not need to
maintain great military forces; they ought not to be
burdened with a great array of public employees. They are
not required to make any contribution to Government
expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess
upon themselves through the action of their own
representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy
can be applied by the people; but if they do not act for
themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for
them.
The
time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction,
when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right
to earn a living, we must have tax reform. The method of
raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of
business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed to
extremely high rates, because they produce little or no
revenue, because they are bad for the country, and,
finally, because they are wrong. We can not finance the
country, we can not improve social conditions, through any
system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon
the rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor.
This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to
suppose that it is envious of those who are already
prosperous. The wise and correct course to follow in
taxation and all other economic legislation is not to
destroy those who have already secured success but to
create conditions under which every one will have a better
chance to be successful. The verdict of the country has
been given on this question. That verdict stands. We shall
do well to heed it.
These
questions involve moral issues. We need not concern
ourselves much about the rights of property if we will
faithfully observe the rights of persons. Under our
institutions their rights are supreme. It is not property
but the right to hold property, both great and small,
which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property
are charged with a service. These rights and duties have
been revealed, through the conscience of society, to have
a divine sanction. The very stability of our society rests
upon production and conservation. For individuals or for
governments to waste and squander their resources is to
deny these rights and disregard these obligations. The
result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral
decay.
These
policies of better international understandings, greater
economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to
peaceful and prosperous industrial relations. Under the
helpful influences of restrictive immigration and a
protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of
pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of
contentment seldom before seen. Our transportation systems
have been gradually recovering and have been able to meet
all the requirements of the service. Agriculture has been
very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last
indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand.
We
are not without our problems, but our most important
problem is not to secure new advantages but to maintain
those which we already possess. Our system of government
made up of three separate and independent departments, our
divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, the
matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution,
all these need constant effort and tireless vigilance for
their protection and support.
In
a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen
is obedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be
imposed upon the subject. He has no voice in its making,
no influence in its administration, it does not represent
him. Under a free government the citizen makes his own
laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent
him. Those who want their rights respected under the
Constitution and the law ought to set the example
themselves of observing the Constitution and the law.
While there may be those of high intelligence who violate
the law at times, the barbarian and the defective always
violate it. Those who disregard the rules of society are
not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting
freedom and independence, are not following the path of
civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance,
of servitude, of savagery, and treading the way that leads
back to the jungle.
The
essence of a republic is representative government. Our
Congress represents the people and the States. In all
legislative affairs it is the natural collaborator with
the President. In spite of all the criticism which often
falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that there is
no more independent and effective legislative body in the
world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I
welcome its cooperation, and expect to share with it not
only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common
effort to secure beneficial legislation.
These
are some of the principles which America represents. We
have not by any means put them fully into practice, but we
have strongly signified our belief in them. The
encouraging feature of our country is not that it has
reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly
expressed its determination to proceed in the right
direction. It is true that we could, with profit, be less
sectional and more national in our thought. It would be
well if we could replace much that is only a false and
ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of
race. But the last election showed that appeals to class
and nationality had little effect. We were all found loyal
to a common citizenship. The fundamental precept of
liberty is toleration. We can not permit any inquisition
either within or without the law or apply any religious
test to the holding of office. The mind of America must be
forever free.
It
is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are
not exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample
warrant for satisfaction and encouragement. We should not
let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been
done. The past and present show faith and hope and courage
fully justified. Here stands our country, an example of tranquility
at home, a patron of tranquility abroad.
Here stands its Government, aware of its might but
obedient to its conscience. Here it will continue to
stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the
welfare of the wage earner, promoting enterprise,
developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to
the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education,
desiring the advancement of religion, supporting the cause
of justice and honor among the nations. America seeks no
earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no
temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions. The
legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the
sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she
seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but
of divine origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit
the favor of Almighty God.
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