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By Severin Carrell - London Independent - 13 January 2002 http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?story=114243
The CIA has recruited British defence and hi-tech companies in an attempt to acquire the latest technology for its spying missions and intelligence- gathering.
The British firms, including the mobile-phone company Hutchison 3G and aerospace contractor BAE Systems, are helping the CIA to develop sophisticated map reading, 3-D mapping and computer communications techniques.
In conflicts such as the war in Afghanistan, these projects would potentially allow CIA agents in the war zone to translate an obscure reference to a building, village or cave into a 3-D photo-realistic map of the area via laptops and satellite phones.
One project funded by the CIA uses raw data provided by the Ordnance Survey based on its digital maps of the UK, sparking criticism from MPs.
One Labour MP said the projects raised major questions about whether these relationships were in Britain's interests. Alan Simpson, a senior member of the left-wing Campaign group of backbenchers, said: "Where does this take the CIA? If we're giving them the ability to plot grid references to any house in Britain, it raises fundamental questions about whether this is in the national interest."
The CIA, the world's largest and most powerful intelligence agency, has been under immense pressure to catch up with the rapid developments and spread of computer and internet technology over the past decade. Its directors admit that the size and reach of the internet has left it struggling to catch up. In 1999, it set up a unique private company called In- Q-Tel to invest about $30m a year in hi-tech companies and research projects.
"We make investments in companies where we have a strategic interest in the technology," a spokeswoman said.
Five British firms have become collaborators or contractors for In-Q-Tel through a US-dominated alliance of more than 220 private companies, government agencies and universities called the Open GIS Consortium (OGC) to develop common technological standards for computers.
In one project overseen by OGC, Hutchison 3G is a partner with In-Q-Tel and five US firms to design a system which allows wireless links between computers. The mobile-phone company Vodaphone is a contractor and the British companies Laser- Scan and its owner, Yeoman Group, have become observers in the project.
In another project, In-Q-Tel has hired a division of BAE Systems and Laser-Scan, which makes digital and internet maps, to develop ways of linking geographical data from separate sources – a technique known as inter-operability. This project uses Ordnance Survey data.
Laser-Scan is also involved with the Military Mapping Project, where the CIA and US Army is developing further sophisticated 3-D mapping techniques, such as sending them via the internet, in a restricted project also overseen by OGC.
British companies appear to have avoided the most controversial projects funded by In-Q-Tel. One US firm called SafeWeb had been paid to give the CIA the ability to snoop on internet web sites without being detected.
All the companies and agencies involved insisted the projects were above board, and Ordnance Survey stressed that its data was used simply for research purposes.
In-Q-Tel denied that it required its contractors to sign secrecy deals with the CIA, or expected to control the results of its projects with OGC.
http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?story=114243
Customs officials are looking into allegations of a link between Formula One motor racing and cocaine smuggling amid accusations that Grand Prix cars may have been used to conceal drugs as they are transported around the world, the Sunday Times reported here.
Quoting mostly unidentified police detectives and customs sources, the newspaper said customs officers were tipped off by an informant from the motor-racing world 18 months ago and recently began monitoring the movement of Formula One personnel and equipment through Dover.
Formula One boss Bernie Ecclestone declined to comment, the newspaper said, but an unidentified aide of Ecclestone was quoted as saying: "He did not have any knowledge or evidence that individuals within F1 were doing anything of the sort. If he had information or evidence he would have taken it to the police."
Mr Duncan MacLaughlin, a former drugs squad detective in charge of the investigation, was quoted in the paper as saying the informers in the motor-racing world had alleged that Formula One was being used as a front for cocaine trafficking.
The newspaper said the investigation, which ended in 1997, was looking into allegations that drugs were being stashed in car parts and equipment and loaded into containers before being transported from South America to Europe. The report said MacLaughlin said Ecclestone telephoned him in November 1997 to offer full co-operation. Detectives had planned to ask former Formula One champion Nigel Mansell to help in a sting operation, the newspaper said. Mansell declined to comment to a reporter, the paper added.
The Sunday Times said a Formula One insider, who was not identified, said he had been interviewed by police investigating the claims. It also quoted another unidentified man as saying he believed he was the target of a police sting operation.
Date: September 20 1998
Source: Sunday Times (UK)
'Serpico' claims Scotland Yard elite ran drug cartel by Nicholas Rufford, Home Affairs Editor
DRUG rackets worth millions of pounds were run from inside Britain's biggest police force, according to a former Scotland Yard detective who is to publish his allegations.
The officer, dubbed "Serpico" by friends after the New York police officer who was pilloried for exposing corruption, described sections of the drug squad and the regional crime squad at Scotland Yard as the "most professional criminal cartels in Britain". He is writing a book in which he alleges that officers stole drugs, paid phantom informants and fabricated evidence.
Duncan MacLaughlin, a detective for 18 years, is believed to be the first officer to talk openly about alleged corruption within the elite squads in which he worked.
His claims are likely to give renewed urgency to the efforts by Sir Paul Condon, the Metropolitan police commissioner, to stamp out criminal activity within the force. Condon has already launched a wide-ranging inquiry into police corruption, and has set up CIB3, a special unit of the Complaints Investigation Bureau, to investigate.
MacLaughlin, 38, who admits he was not "straighter than straight", spent five years in the drug squad and five years in the London-based regional crime squad, which drew the best detectives from forces across southern England to investigate serious crime.
He described the regional squad, which he left in 1994, as like Colditz, the second world war prison. "You put all the clever ones, all the brains, in one office, and you got the cleverest scams. There were no better criminals in the country . . . I was a member of the most professional criminal cartel that Britain has ever produced."
MacLaughlin said hundreds of thousands of pounds were siphoned from police funds through the creation of phantom informants. "If we got anonymous information that there was going to be a deal involving, say, 25 kilos of coke [cocaine], straightaway you would create an imaginary informant. Then a friend would come in and sign a bit of paper and maybe receive up to £40,000 reward money."
Another practice was to sell drugs which were seized on raids. "Drugs were recycled all the time. If you found 15 kilos of coke, you produce 12 kilos and 3 would be sold. A kilo of coke you get UKP30,000 for, so you have made £90,000."
The claims are some of the most detailed made against Scotland Yard. MacLaughlin resigned in July. He was facing a discipline charge - which he denies - for allegedly removing paperwork relating to a murder investigation.
MacLaughlin does not admit to being involved in any of the crimes he alleges, though he does admit to holidaying in the Caribbean while on police assignment to trace a drug baron's assets. He said he did not feel guilty because he was not spending taxpayers' money, but cash from a Home Office reward fund. "I was no angel, I would go back to the Caribbean just when it suited me. The Met police had no idea. It just showed how incompetent they were," he said.
Roy Clark, deputy assistant commissioner of Scotland Yard, said that some of MacLaughlin's claims were false and others "wildly exaggerated". He said it was a pity that MacLaughlin was "not prepared to come forward and, if there was any truth in his suggestions, share his information with the anti-corruption squad".
Another former senior officer in the complaints bureau described MacLaughlin as an oddball who would have been sacked had he not resigned.
MacLaughlin claims that he was rebuffed when he tried to give information to Ian Quinn, the bureau's director. A Scotland Yard source dismissed the claim and said MacLaughlin had made an allegation to the bureau about the private life of a senior officer for which there was "not an iota of evidence".
A year ago, the Big Media cast out the issue of the CIA and contra crack from the realm of respectable debate. In lengthy front-page articles, The Washington Post, New York Times and Los Angeles Times deemed an investigative series by Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury News flawed and simplistic. The papers claimed victory when Webb's editor Jerry Ceppos agreed that the original series wasn't perfect.
Now, the other shoe is falling. The inspectors general of the CIA and the Justice Department are completing investigations that will clear the CIA and the Justice Department of wrongdoing. The results of those investigations were leaked out in mid- December, but scheduled releases of the actual reports were postponed. The delays meant that the supposed findings could get major media play without any examination of the underlying facts.
According to the Justice Department, Attorney General Janet Reno requested a delay in that report's release for "law- enforcement reasons." Department officials would not specify what those reasons were, but apparently there is fear that the report contains information that might jeopardize an ongoing federal criminal case.
A broader CIA investigation into the question of Nicaraguan contra connections to the drug trade -- outside CIA control -- continues. But it is unclear how much information the spy agency will divulge, especially given the mainstream media's eagerness to put the issue to rest.
Those, like Webb, who challenged the official orthodoxy on the CIA's innocence have paid dearly. Webb was pushed into resigning his job, a purge made official with an announcement by the Mercury News on Dec. 12. Reached at his home in California, Webb said he is working on a book about his experiences.
Still, the new government reports whenever issued seem likely to pour just one more layer of cover-up on top of an already thick foundation. Over the past half century, the federal government -- and the Washington news media -- have never accepted what appears as obvious fact to many outsiders: that CIA covert actions and drug trafficking go together like horse and carriage, like hand and glove, like Tweedle-Dum and Tweedle-Dee.
You might use this article as a guide for reading between the lines of whatever official words are uttered in the new government reports and press stories that follow.
The first test will be whether the new government reports face up to the seamy history. In particular, look for any reference to two heroin-stained covert operations: in Indochina in the 1960s and '70s and in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Both were well documented by Alfred McCoy in his landmark book, The Politics of Heroin.
The second point of reference will be how the reports finesse the overwhelming evidence of Nicaraguan contra-connected cocaine trafficking. This unsavory reality was documented ad nauseam in "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy," a 1989 Senate Foreign Relations report based on hearings chaired by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass.
The new reports also might have some difficulty explaining past admissions by frank senior government officials. Gen. Paul F. Gorman, head of the U.S. Southern Command, acknowledged in 1984 that "substantial evidence links drugs, money and arms networks in Central America. The fact is, if you want to go into the subversion business, collect intelligence, and move arms, you deal with drug movers."
Gorman knew what he was talking about, situated as he was in Panama City, next door to Gen. Manuel Noriega, who had been recruited by CIA director William J. Casey and Lt. Col. Oliver L. North to help the contras. Noriega, of course, is now incarcerated in federal prison for drug trafficking.
While Noriega helped the contras from the south, the Honduran military and other drug-connected friends pitched in from the north. One was Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros, whose rap sheet dates back at least to 1970 when he was arrested at Dulles Airport on drug-related charges and was sentenced to five years in prison. Matta escaped before spending a year behind bars.
By 1975, Matta had linked Mexican and Colombian traffickers, giving a major boost to the fledgling cocaine industry. Three years later, Matta financed a coup d'etat by the military in his native Honduras, a putsch that transformed the banana republic into a transit point for northbound white powder.
By 1983, Matta had been identified in a U.S. Customs report as a Class I DEA violator. He also was linked by the DEA to an airline with the acronym, SETCO, that was run by "American businessmen dealing with Matta [and] smuggling narcotics into the United States."
Despite such lineage, SETCO was hired as "the principal company used by the contras in Honduras to transport supplies and personnel ... from 1983 to 1985," according to the Senate Foreign Relations report. Then, despite Matta's tie to the 1985 murder of star DEA agent Enrique Camarena in Guadalajara, Mexico, the State Department in 1986 renewed SETCO's contract to supply the contras.
Matta is now serving dual life sentences for murder and narcotics trafficking. You might look his name up in the indexes to the new government contra-cocaine reports. [For more details from a non-government source, see Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall.]
Another name worth checking out is that of Syrian-born Manzer Al-Kassar, who boasts a similar drug resume -- and a relationship with the U.S. government.
Reader's Digest reported in 1986 that Al-Kassar had supplied arms and explosives "for terrorist operations in France, Spain and Holland" and sold "silencer-equipped assassination pistols, rockets and other weapons" to Libya, Iran, South Yemen and Lebanon." The article also linked Al-Kassar to heroin deals involving up to 100 kilos (220 pounds). Two years earlier, the DEA had classified Al-Kassar as a major drug trafficker.
Yet, when the Reagan administration's Iran-contra operations were exposed in 1986, the ledgers of Oliver North's "Enterprise" revealed that it had paid $1.5 million for contra arms shipments to the same Manzer Al-Kassar. See how that is explained.
Then, there's the more recent case of former Venezuelan Gen. Ramon Guillen Davila. A year ago, Guillen was indicted on charges of shipping up to 22 tons of cocaine to the United States between 1987 and 1991. According to the Miami Herald, Guillen was the CIA's most trusted man in Venezuela and the senior official collaborating with the CIA on narcotics control.
Guillen claims the CIA knew all along what he was doing. To date he has successfully resisted extradition, but an accomplice, Adolfo Romero Gomez, was convicted in Miami last October on cocaine trafficking charges. A key witness testified that he overheard Romero and Guillen discussing deals with the Cali cartel.
You might check, too, to see how the new reports deal with DEA agents who tried to blow the whistle during the 1980s. Just as the contra-connected drug trade was heating up, the Reagan administration closed the DEA office in Honduras. But from Guatemala City, DEA agent Celerino Castillo III began investigating reports of illegal drug activity at the Ilopango air base in El Salvador, the home of North's contra resupply operation.
As Castillo describes in his autobiography, Powder Burns, his reports on the drug trafficking of contra suppliers were initially ignored. Later, they were criticized for grammatical errors. Then, he was told to stay away from El Salvador and threatened with charges of improper conduct. Finally, after receiving threats against his family, he quit.
Another curiosity -- given the CIA's 50 years of covert activities, often side by side with drug traffickers -- is the absence of a single publicly known criminal charge against a CIA officer for succumbing to the temptation to accept a bribe or to abuse the job's secrecy by aiding and abetting a drug shipment.
Perhaps, the new government reports -- whenever the American citizenry is allowed to peruse them -- will explain how the CIA found and recruited individuals of such exemplary character.
Copyright (c) 1998
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Not the CIA - Establishment narcotrafficing and general counter-intelligence site http://www.dcia.com/index.html
Posted in a-infozine V1 #654. The A-Infos News Service. COMMANDS: majordomo@tao.ca
University of California Press.
1991-94
DCI Gates ordered DeTrani of Public Affairs to explore openness (for a public
relations campaign). DeTrani said the CIA had a wide range of contacts with
academics through recruiting, professional societies, and contractual agreements
which could be expanded. CIA should sponsor more academic conferences and
bring scholars to Langley and expand the officer-in-residence program which
then had 13 CIA officers at universities. He recommended expanding CIA work
with the media. He wanted CIA to declassify certain files to put the CIA
in more positive light. By assisting journalists, "intelligence failure"
stories could be turned into "intelligence success," stories -- and boasted
of past successes -- "In many instances, we have persuaded reporters to postpone,
change, hold, or even scrap stories..." He recommended helping friendly Hollywood
directors by allowing them to shoot movies at Langley. He wanted to cooperate
with feature writers. Other propaganda could be aimed directly at the public
via unclassified versions of the Agency's Studies In Intelligence and CIA
officers could step up the number of their speeches - a CIA speakers bureau
was established in 1990. DeTrani wanted the CIA to try to better manipulate
Congress. Gates accepted the suggestion to persuade friendly journalists
to write profiles of CIA officers. Gates assigned more TV time for himself.
Gates approved propagandizing the general public through press releases detailing
the CIA's history, mission and functions in the new world order. He encouraged
setting up intelligence studies programs on campuses and finding universities
to publish CIA-subsidized articles. pp. 185-188.
1984
CIA organized the Unauthorized Disclosures Analysis Center (UDAC) to monitor
the news media and to stop leaks. Commanded by Dell Bragan, UDAC was staffed
by full-time intelligence officers. CIA officers around the nation were tasked
to by UDAC to keep track of reporters who obtained news stories through leaks.
Mark Mansfield said UDAC was the coordinating center to combat disclosures.
In addition to UDAC, CIA had an even more secretive unit that investigates
leaks, performs damage assessments, and investigates journalists. Located
in the Office of Security and called the Special Security Office, the unit
reports to UDAC. Journalists were analyzed by how many unauthorized disclosures
they printed a year -- columnist Jack Anderson, Washington Post reporter
Bob Woodward and Bill Gertz were often at the top of the list. pp. 178-180.
1984-90
VP Bush chaired a cabinet-level Task Force on Combating Terrorism. He used
terrorism as justification for domestic spying against groups lobbying Congress
to ban Contra funding. This when statistics showed domestic terrorist incidents
declining rapidly. But the 34-page "Public Report of the Vice President's
Task Force on Combating Terrorism of 1986 ," urged Intel agencies involve
themselves in "conventional human and technical intelligence capabilities
that penetrate terrorist groups and their support systems." This when the
FBI said domestic terrorism was virtually nonexistent. Following directions,
FBI conducted 8,450 domestic terrorism investigations in 86, even though
they reported only 17 actual terrorist incidents that year. The FBI was
conducting political spying under the terrorism label. pp. 147-151.
1972-90
Richard Helms cautioned Ober, head of the MHCHAOS program, re the doubtful
legality of MHCHAOS, to describe the operation within the CIA and the
intelligence community as an operation against international terrorism. but
the illegal domestic operation, MHCHAOS targeted radical youths, blacks,
women and antiwar militants. "international terrorist" was designated to
replace "political dissident" as the justification for illegal domestic
operations. helms transferred the MHCHAOS operation to the international
terrorism group. "let's call domestic spying a response to terrorism." pp.
46-49
USSR, 1985-91
Melvin Goodwin, former CIA Division Chief in Soviet foreign policy was a
witness at the confirmation hearings for Robert Gates to be DCI. Goodwin
testified that Gates had, over a period of years as Deputy Director of CIA,
had given Congress and the president misleading and politicized intelligence.
"Gates role was to corrupt the process and the ethics of intelligence...[and]
to ignore and suppress signs of Soviet strategic retreat." p. 183.
Nicaragua, El Salvador, 1981-90
The House intelligence Committee knew that the Sandinistas were not shipping
arms to Communist guerrillas in El Salvador, as claimed by Reagan, "But we
were unable to respond to the President's assertions because this information
was classified," per Congressman Lee Hamilton, later. Senator Moynihan said
"I knew the President's claim could not be substantiated, but I knew this
from classified briefings which a chairman or vice chairman of suck a committee
is sworn not to discuss in public." He said secrecy: "effect is to hide things
from the American people that they need to know." pp. 172-3.
1985-92
An eleven-year CIA career officer, Thomas R. Smeeton, had become minority
counsel to the House Intel Committee -- beginning in 1990, Smeeton made repeated
attempts to convince members of Congress to take oaths to uphold executive
secrecy classifications. He devised an oath which gave CIA yet another hold
over congressional oversight. pp. 173-4.
1981-95
An annotated list of some FBI Surveillance Targets during the 1980s is given
in the appendix. pp. 203-207.
1975-85
A photograph of CIA agent Salvatore John Ferrera when he was infiltrating
the "Quicksilver Times and other news organizations in Illinois and California.
He legally changed his name to Allen Vincent Carter and fled to the Southern
California suburb of Costa Mesa. In 1980, Angus Mackenzie confronted him
at his hideout -- and he denied he worked for CIA. Angus showed him copies
of the informant reports he had sent to CIA Hqs -- he slammed the door. passim.
1972-80
Censoring books, particularly Marchetti's pre-publication review. Marchetti
named Jack O'Connell as the control agent for King Hussein of Jordan.
Karamessines warned against making public the existence of electronic collection
devices in India aimed at Chinese and Russian weapons systems, CIA financial
assistance to Tom Mboya and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya. the ruling by judge Bryan
re reviews effectively nullified the first amendment rights of government
workers who sign secrecy agreements. CIA's attempt to halt the publication
of Alfred Mccoy's book, THE POLITICS OF HEROIN IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. pp. 42-49,
52-55
1955-70
Thomas H. Karamessines in 1967 started an operation to handle the antiwar
press. On 8/4/67 a telegram re the new special operations group (SOG) in
the counterintel section. Angleton appointed Dick Ober to coordinate SOG
and expand his Ramparts investigation to encompass the entire underground
press -- some 500 newspapers. SOG was designated as MHCHAOS. CIA assigned
domestic political espionage the highest level of priority. SOG ops grew
to sixty field agents as well as other CIA compartments. Due to the large
number of reports generated computers were used for the first time to handle
the traffic. CIA coordinated efforts with army agents, the local police and
the FBI. Penetration of antiwar periodicals (his primary mission). john ferrera
a student was recruited to penetrate various antiwar media. details of Ferrera's
successes. the FBI used its agents to create dissension within protest groups.
Ober had relied on the CIA's domestic contract service (DCS) but was experiencing
resistance. pp. 26-41
1955-70
Michael Wood with the national student association, learned that it was funded
by CIA. details of the program. IRS gave copies of Ramparts tax returns to
Dick Ober of the CIA's investigative unit. CIA planted stories in the media
to discredit Ramparts. pp. 18-24
Vietnam, 1955-90
Stanely K. Sheinbaum was the first person to go public with his experience
of CIA activity in the U.S. he began with the CIA in the 50s when hired by
Michigan state u.'s $25 million project to advise the South Vietnamese
government. he resented use of academic cover by CIA. he resigned in 1959.
he with Robert Sheer wrote an article in Ramparts magazine. The CIA began
to investigate Ramparts in violation of its charter. His article caused a
storm of protest among academicians -- to forestall further embarrassment,
president Johnson established the Katzenbach committee. CIA identified the
source of Rampart's money and urged the FBI to investigate. pp. 15-18
Washington Post 12/27/97 A1
Colombia, 1997 The U.S., fearful that Marxist guerrillas allied with drug
traffickers pose a growing threat to Colombia, is loosening restrictions
on aid to Colombian armed forces, withheld for years because of the military's
human rights record. A unique agreement worked out last summer -- and heavily
debated -- permits U.S. aid, expected to total about $37 million in fiscal
1998, to be used by the Colombian military for counterinsurgency as part
of a larger program to fight drugs. The aid can be used only in a specifically
defined geographic area called "the box," whose exact boundaries are classified
but which covers roughly the southern half of the country. Critics say the
move brings the U.S. closer to a vicious, multi-sided political conflict
that is decades old and has cost thousands of lives. the Colombian army and
right-wing paramilitary groups it sponsors have been implicated in scores
of civilian massacres, disappearances and cases of torture. Leaders of the
army-backed PM groups have been implicated in large-scale drug trafficking,
yet have not been singled out as targets of the anti-drug efforts.. .
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"The CIA's Directorate of Operations is in a state of deep rot." Former DCI John Deutch.
The Directorate of Operations is, a "wasteland, a Mecca for know-nothing men..." Former CIA Officer Reuel Gerecht, pen name, Edward Shirley.
U.S. intelligence "needs to be scrubbed" from the top down, from its spies to its analysts to its "bureaucratic barons." Admiral Jeremiah's 1998 report.
The New York Times recently reported that Tenet has the CIA recruiting aggressively -- two or three thousand in the next few years. He says he must do this or risk the slow death of American intelligence. He hopes to make the clandestine service bigger than it was at the height of the Cold War, to open more overseas stations and bases, to mount more complex and more expensive secret operations. And he wants the nation's sharpest talents to come to work at CIA Headquarters as analysts, information technicians and in-house experts. He aims to revitalize an agency mired in a slough of despond-terrible publicity, terrible morale, terrible credibility.
Congress plans to pump hundreds of millions of extra dollars into the Agency over the next few years to get new blood flowing. Tenet rates the hiring blitz as the most important internal affair on the Agency's agenda for the rest of the century.
I suggest that the CIA's most important internal affair is cleaning out the Directorate of Operations Augean Stables -- its poor, incompetent and arrogant leaders. Even if those leaders were capable of recognizing their deficiencies, they do not have the ability to devise solutions.
Next the CIA must alter its personnel procedures that have resulted in rewarding incompetence and duplicity -- see a description of these in Edward Shirley's book, "Know Thine Enemy" or view his comments on my web page.
Another set of problems occurs with the CIA's Inspector General who tosses all protests back to the complainants' bosses. A prescription for disaster.
One issue that has plagued me since my time in the CIA is the complete inability of its operations officers to analyze. This has defeated intelligence collection in many ways. First the case officers cannot evaluate their agents. This is manifest -- Cuba's DGI ran three dozen agents the CIA thought was working for it. East Germany's Stasi had probably a few hundred double agents supposedly working for CIA, and the KGB's double agents convinced the CIA that the USSR was a viable, threatening menace when everyone else recognized its collapse.
These egregious realities have somehow avoided Tenet's notice as he happily builds atop its rotting foundations.
One reason (of a number of reasons) the DGI, Stasi and the KGB were able to dupe the CIA is that the operations officers had no incentive to, nor measuring ability, to question agent reporting.
There is also the problem that if a case officer questions his own agents' reporting, he then is questioning his own (the case officer's) promotability. The Operations Directorate promotes based on the number of agent recruitments -- the results be damned or ignored or never reviewed.
Since case officers are recruited for their rigid mentalities (those with flexible mentalities might question orders) and since Tenet uses the same personality qualifications for the new officers, he is recruiting disaster.
The CIA is hiring all sorts of new analysts but until it gets analysts directly involved in all phases of operations -- we can guarantee failure.
I must briefly cite my own personal experience at the risk of immodesty. The CIA in mid-1960s targeted me against the burgeoning insurgency in Thailand. (For a more complete description see my book, Deadly Deceits). Within about six months, using analysis and operations, I discovered what the Thai Communist Party was doing and how to defeat it -- a problem that had plagued the CIA for decades. I am not that good, it is just that the rest of the CIA's officers were that bad.
Next I asked to go to Vietnam because I wanted to defeat the communists there. With a little research and operations I quickly determined that the United States could not win in Vietnam and that the Agency had absolutely no idea what was happening in that country. An ignorance that continues to this day. My conclusions and protests landed me in the Agency's very vengeful doghouse.
So if Tenet has any sort of analytical ability himself he can see that he must first clean up the stables before trying to build anew.
A number of critics claim that I am far too soft on the CIA. I have in recent times changed my views to some extent. With the advent of international terrorism we need the best possible intelligence service to fight that terrifying menace. Instead we have the ignorant, arrogant and incompetent CIA.
We must recognize that the United States will always have an intelligence agency. It is my hope, therefore, that the CIA can change enough to become a real intelligence agency, if not it should be abolished or replaced by a new structure.
http://www.members.tripod.com/CIABASE/index.html
Jim Jones massacre http://www.conspire.com/jones.html
The OneList moderator is Daniel Hopsicker who is a former CNBC TV producer who is writing a book right now about Barry Seal, the most successful cocaine trafficker in American history. Hopsicker has discovered the Rosetta Stone of US crime. Barry Seal and Lee Harvey Oswald were recruited into the CIA by David Ferrie, an agent made famous by the Oliver Stone movie, JFK. If you participate in this list of about 200 journalists you will have your finger on the pulse of the major things going on in this country. http://www.dcia.temple.html http://www.dcia.temple.html
NOT the CIA: http://www.dcia.com/mission.html
The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), a CIA western culture manipulation programme - with pictures http://www.odci.gov/csi/studies/95unclas/war.html
General declassified articles http://www.odci.gov/csi/studies/pubs.html
Useful source of critical of CIA information http://www.us.net/cip/cia.htm
http://mprofaca.cro.net/kimirror.html
http://www.loyola.edu/dept/politics/intel.html
http://www.columbia.edu/cu/libraries/indiv/dsc/intell.html
http://.kimsoft.com/kim-spy.htm
http://www.nytimes.com/library/national/cia-diningmain.html
http://intellit.muskingum.edu/intellsite/index.html (Ransom Clark)
http://webcom.com/%7Epinknoiz/covert/ciabasesearch.html (CIABase)
http://www.access.gpo.gov/int/report.html (Aspin / Brown)
http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/house/intel/ic21/ic21_toc.html (IC21)
http://www.foreignrelations.org/studies/transcripts/970218.html (CFR)
http://www.carnegie.org/deadly/0697warning.htm (warning, 1997)
http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/s980731-rumsfeld.htm (Rumsfeld, 98)
http://www.seas.gwu.edu/nsarchive/news/19980222.htm (Bay Pigs)
http://www.fas.org/irp/cia/product/jeremiah.html (Jeremiah 98)
http://www.fas.org/irp/cia/product/cocaine2/index.html (cocaine)
http://www.lookoutpoint.com/index.html
http://pathfinder.com/@@y7yrfauarijhm2qe/fortune/1997/970217/boo.html
http://www.fas.org/irp/wwwecon.html
http://www.asia-research.com/JI2000.html (Japanese)
http://www.odci.gov/cia/employment/appframe.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/wwwspy.html
http://www3.theatlantic.com/issues/98feb/cia.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/wwwsigin.html
http://www.fas.org/irp/wwwimint.html
http://www.fas.org/irp/imint/kh-12.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/program/masint_evaluation_rep.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1996_rpt/ic21/ic21007.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/oss980501.htm
http://www.fas.org/irp/wwwecon.html
http://www.odci.gov/cia/di/index.html
http://www.fas.org/irp/gentry/index.html
http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/int012.html
http://www.nacic.gov/ (NACIC)
http://www.fbi.gov/ansir/ansir.htm (FBI)
http://www.dtic.mil/dodsi/researc2.html
http://www.loyola.edu/dept/politics/hula/hitzrept.html (Ames)
http://www.nytimes.com/library/national/cia-invismain.html
CIA, Center for Study of Intelligence http://www.odci.gov/csi/
http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/index.html
http://www.seas.gwu.edu/nsarchive/
http://www.us.net/cip/cia.htm (Mel Goodman)
http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/briefs/vol3/v3n20hri.htm (IPS)
http://www3.theatlantic.com/issues/98feb/cia.htm (Shirley)
http://www.members.tripod.com/CIABASE/index.html (McGehee)
https://www.angelfire.com/id/ciadrugs/
http://www.radio4all.org/crackcia/
http://www.senate.gov/committee/intelligence.html
http://www.cc.umist.ac.uk/sk/index.html (UK)
http://www.pro.gov.uk/releases/soe-europe.htm (SOE)
http://www.mi5.gov.uk/ (UK, MI-5)
http://www.open.gov.uk/co/cim/cimrep1.htm (UK)
http://www.gchq.gov.uk/ (UK, GCHQ)
http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/ (Canada, CSIS)
http://www.cse.dnd.ca/cse/english/home_1.html (Canada)
http://www.afji.com/ (AFJI)
http://www.awgnet.com/aviation/index.htm (Aviation Week)
http://www.his.com/~afio/ (AFIO)
http://www.nmia.org/ (NMIA)
http://www.xmission.com:80/~nip/ (NIP)
http://www.oss.net/ (OSS)
http://www.aochq.org/ (Old Crows)
http://www.opsec.org/ (OPSEC pros)
http://www.afcea.com/ (AFCEA)
http://www.cloakanddagger.com/dagger (Cloak & Dagger Books)
http://intelligence-history.wiso.uni-erlangen.de/ (history grp, German)
http://www.covertcomic.com/CovertComicJokes.htm (CIA jokester)