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By JIM DRINKARD .c The Associated Press WASHINGTON (Jan. 22) - It was a tense moment in Congress last year when the peanut industry barely survived an attempt to phase out its federal subsidy. But the dollars behind the 212-209 House vote weren't anywhere near as close. Lawmakers voting to preserve the subsidy had received an average of $1,542 each in campaign contributions from the industry in the last two-year election cycle. Those voting to end the peanut program had received an average of $152 apiece. The numbers, and the outcome, were similar in a Senate vote three weeks earlier. The same pattern emerges in vote after vote from the 104th Congress, which ended last year, according to a new study by the Center for Responsive Politics, a private research group that tracks the influence of money on government policy. Legislative showdowns on drug patent protection, tobacco regulation, gun control, defense contracts and subsidies for the oil, mining, grazing, timber and sugar industries all followed the same scenario. In each case, the source of a lawmaker's financial support was an accurate predictor of how he or she would vote, the study found. ''It's important for the ordinary person, who doesn't have the big bucks to give, to see how this money flows and how the decisions get made,'' Nancy Watzman, one of the study's authors, said in an interview. ''It raises the question, do you need to have money on your side to be heard on Capitol Hill? This money is going for very practical business reasons, not because of lofty, grand ideals.'' Among the examples: - In March, the Senate voted 54 to 42 to preserve a law allowing timber companies to salvage dead and dying trees on public lands, over the objections of environmentalists. Those voting to keep the program had received an average of $19,503 in timber industry contributions over the previous five years; those opposed, $2,675. - In late 1995, Congress voted to lift a ban on exports of oil produced on Alaska's North Slope and to grant the oil industry a ''holiday'' from federal royalty payments for oil produced in deep water in the Gulf of Mexico. Senate supporters of the move had received an average of $64,460 each from the industry since 1991, while opponents had received just over $12,000 each. In the House, those voting for the industry position received three times as much as those who did not. ''This stuff has an impact on people's lives,'' said Watzman. Since a telecommunications bill deregulated the cable television business, for example, cable rates have risen just over 10 percent, by one estimate. On a key house vote in 1995 which favored the industry, supporters got five times as much as those who sided with consumer groups who opposed the change. And consumer groups say federal sugar price supports add about 50 cents to the supermarket price of a five-pound bag of sugar. But an effort to phase out the price supports last year in the House failed, 217 to 208. Those voting to keep the subsidy in place received $5,994, on average, from sugar producers. Those voting to phase it out got $853 each. Campaign giving doesn't tell the entire story about voting behavior of members of Congress. Constituent interests, party politics, ideology and friendships all can play roles, as well. But in the 42 issues the study examined, the correlation with money was too strong to be coincidental, Watzman said. The examples are most striking in cases where is a narrow industry interest at stake, and where the issue up for a vote directly affects the industry's bottom line. ''The timber industry may not be the biggest giver, but when you look at the money, they very clearly are directing it to those voting their way,'' she said. The center has posted the results of its study at its World Wide Web Internet site, where it can be searched for the voting patterns of individual lawmakers.
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