FROM THE HALLS OF POWER TO THE LABYRINTHS OF INCARCERATION
Anwar Ibrahim
Sg Buloh Prison
3 November 1998
I am now incarcerated at Sungai Buloh prison after being released from
the clutches of Mahathir's henchmen at Bukit Aman. Much as he
wanted to, Mahathir could not keep me detained without trial
indefinitely because of my habeas corpus application, which he had to
avoid at all costs. The hearing of the application, if properly
conducted, would have brought to light his role in the conspiracy
against me. He just does not have the guts to face me in open court
or anywhere else for that matter.
Mahathir is determined to keep me behind bars for at least four years.
His original plan was to keep me incarcerated indefinitely under the
draconian Internal Security Act (ISA), but the pressure against this
has proven too great. My habeas corpus application, coupled with the
international condemnation of the detention without trial, and the
massive show of public support for me forced the tyrant's hand. But
still he would not take any chances. Hence, bail has been denied and I
am still behind bars.
The tranquility of the prison environment is a far cry from the
notorious police lock-up at Bukit Aman or, worse, solitary confinement
under the Special Branch's supervision. My whereabouts before this
was unknown to me because I was moved about blindfolded and
handcuffed.
What a relief! Now at least I can see the blue sky and the green oil
palm trees. I can devour my books and spend time in contemplation
without being constantly harassed. With prayers, reading and regular
exercise, I am able to avoid the uneasy indolence of prison life. The
prison staff and other inmates are friendly and supportive, leaving me
quite reassured and heartened. Still, jail is jail; it is no bed of roses.
And prison authorities are themselves baffled by Mahathir's misleading
statement that I am accorded VIP treatment.
Although I must acknowledge the general sympathy of policemen who
did not hide their disdain of Mahathir and police top brass, the three
weeks I spent under police custody was pure hell. I was humiliated,
tortured, stripped, denied any reading and fed meagrely with food
wrapped in old newspapers or plastic.
The ordeal began about ten minutes after I was brought to the Bukit
Aman lock-up, blindfolded and handcuffed. I was severely beaten on
the right side of the head, the left part of the forehead, the left eye
and the neck. Blood oozed from my nose and mouth. The intention,
obviously, was to cause irreparable internal damage, since the blows
were concentrated on my head and neck. As dozens of police officers
and subordinate personnel have repeatedly told me, the torture could
not have been carried out without the involvement of the highest
authority in the police force and the blessing of the minister
responsible. This issue is being investigated and, as usual, assurances
of fairness are given for public and international consumption. I have
every reason to doubt the outcome. I am aware of the instructions to
police personnel not to record the appearance of prominent public
figures at my lock-up. And Mahathir, in a typical outburst, has even
suggested that my wounds were self-inflicted. I would not be
surprised if it turns out that it was Mahathir's chief hoodlum, Rahim
Noor the IGP, who beat me to a pulp under direct orders from his
master. I admire the resolve of the police investigating team, but they
will have to grapple with the known malice and bias of their top brass
and the Attorney General's office. Both quarters are under Mahathir's
thumb.
Recollecting the episode always sends a chill down my spine. Firstly, I
regained consciousness only in the morning. I kept inquiring later from
policemen on duty whether there were others who had entered my
lock-up and applied anything to me. Secondly, why was I denied
medical treatment for five days?
When I was asked to strip, I was extremely reluctant. I felt
embarrassed, but they were adamant, saying they had to obey
instructions. Police officers were noticeably focusing on my pubic area
and buttocks. I was suspicious due to the fabricated charges against
me; descriptions of my private parts could be given to others to help
them further incriminate me.
Throughout the three weeks of ISA detention, the total time taken in
serious interrogation was less than two hours. There were questions
relating to Reformasi and suggestions that I should have been patient
a while longer until I became prime minister before trying to initiate
changes. I discussed corruption, abuse of power and the amassing of
wealth by Mahathir and his close associates for their families and
cronies. I told them to note Attorney General Mohtar Abdullah's
enthusiasm in pursuing a technical corruption case against me.
Obviously, he is acting under Mahathir's instruction and has chosen to
be blind to the fact that Mahathir and his cronies have siphoned off
billions. Mohtar cannot plead ignorance to this; he had, on a number
of occasions, discussed with me this very crime involving Mahathir,
Daim Zainuddin, Rahim Tamby Chik and some ministers. My
interrogators generally stopped these serious discussions by calling for
banana fritters and noodles, and we would then proceed with friendly
chats.
Later, 14 Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officers took turns
to obtain statements from me under sections 112 and 113 of the
Criminal Procedure Code for possible offences, including corruption,
sodomy and sexual misconduct with six women. The cases involving
women have been temporarily shelved because it is more politically
expedient to confine the sexual accusations to sodomy. There were
also attempts to incriminate my wife Azizah over her remarks of
concern for my safety under police custody and the possibility of my
being injected with the HIV virus. I told them that after the
Gestapo-like attack by the police, I did not preclude that possibility.
I
could not hide my contempt for this charade; I asked a very senior
CID officer what other heinous charges they were going to throw at
me. Treason? Selling state secrets? Murder?
The CID officers kept harassing me for hair samples, including pubic
hair, and inspections of my private parts. I suggested that they
consult my lawyers, who later advised me not to proceed. However,
two forensic doctors from the General Hospital did take my blood to
test for HIV. I had no choice but to concede when they invoked
Section 7 of the Dangerous Drugs Act. I was later told by counsel that
I should not have complied because I was not charged under that act.
After this three-week ordeal, on the eve of my release from ISA
detention and my departure for prison, I was treated to a sumptuous
lunch in private. I was not aware that this was a great police public
relations exercise to bluff the world into believing that treatment
under their custody was humane. What a cheap way of placating their
political masters!
Naturally, I think of Azizah and the family, especially my ailing mother.
And now Azizah and my daughter, Nurul Izzah, are being threatened
with arrest. The ISA is being invoked to protect Mahathir and his
cronies. Popular dissent and criticism of rampant corruption and abuse
of power are construed as anti-national and a threat to national
security. No one is spared the threat of harassment, interrogation or
arrest--UMNO and opposition leaders, NGOs, Muslim activists, my
personal staff and particularly supporters of Reformasi. There is a
nationwide crackdown against all known supporters of reform. It is a
final desperate attempt by a despised dictator to cling to power.
Instead of trying to win popular and legitimate support, he is
instituting a culture of fear.
The public is outraged over the continued repressive acts of the
government to stifle dissent. There is a deliberate attempt to provoke
peaceful demonstrators, who are portrayed as a mob trying to
frustrate the functioning of a purportedly legitimate, democratic
government. Every violent incident so far has been started by the
police. And the arrests continue -- ISA for the leaders and the Police
Act and whatever other laws they can use for their supporters.
Mahathir continues to rave like a grumpy, recalcitrant old man. He has
become increasingly contemptible as he gives vent to his anger,
venom and egoism. His intransigence is due to his blinkered and
intractably condescending view of the general public as ignorant and
indolent.
Absolute and arbitrary powers are used to trample upon people's rights
in order to serve the cause of personal vendettas, not national
interest. Mahathir is becoming increasingly obstinate and perverse,
turning politics into a sordid occupation and politicians into a bunch
of
immoral sycophants. Even his most ludicrous ideas must be
enthusiastically echoed and publicised by the government-controlled
media because he must appear infallible at all times. And his capacity
for remorse is zero. Even UMNO is not spared. Party officials are
directed to convene special sessions to denounce me and other
so-called traitors. In this incessant witch-hunt, even defunct and
bankrupt politicians are employed, along with the usual scandalous
haranguers.
Superman and King
Before my sacking, colleagues had advised me to exercise restraint
and patience, to continue to support Mahathir in order not to
jeopardise my political career. During my detention at the police
lock-up, curious Special Branch officers asked what went wrong with
my relationship with Mahathir. I admit that initially the relationship
was
cordial and comfortable. But in the last few years, egged on by his
children and close political and business associates, he had become
increasingly dictatorial and tyrannical, wanting a formidable historical
imprint of his legacy. Since he tolerates no dissent or criticism
whatsoever, he spews his venom on NGOs and the media. He uses the
police, the AG and the judiciary to ensure his invincibility. Indeed,
having out-manoeuvred virtually every challenge, he thinks of himself
as Superman and a maestro at the divide-and-rule strategy vis-a-vis
the party, the country, and international relations. He relishes recalling
his success at amending the constitution to reduce the Malay Rulers'
powers and even gloats over his sacking of Tun Salleh Abas. Of course
we supported him in the constitutional amendment issue, thinking
rather naively that the powers taken from the Rulers would revert to
the people and not go to him alone. How blind we were then not to
see through his vile plan to eventually overthrow the traditional Malay
Rulers and install himself as the supreme feudal lord of the Malays.
Sure, my sacking required the signature of the King, but as far as
Mahathir was concerned, he was the de facto King.
Frankly, it was rather embarrassing to see how he would swell up
whenever praises were lavished on him to feed his ego, especially
during UMNO general assemblies, when he was spoken of as the "the
greatest PM, spokesman of the Third World, a leader for the world to
emulate, architect of modern Malaysia," and so on, ad nauseum.
Driven by a self-induced frenzy to pursue his megalomaniacal
fantasies, he became increasingly divorced from the real world. He
could not differentiate the wants and needs of the people from his
own egotistical desires. In the last few years, he has become
increasingly isolated as he got impatient to get things done so that
they would serve as monuments to his majestic rule. Surrounded by
sycophantic courtiers, he failed to realise that his ideas were getting
obsolete and irrelevant. He has delusions of grandeur and cannot but
associate his rule with mega projects and superlatives -- the longest
bridge, the tallest building, the grandest airport, the most awesome
dam. To accommodate his ego, even his official residence must be
nothing less than fabulous. The statement in Parliament that the cost
would come to RM17 million is false. I know how the figure was
manipulated. The building will be the biggest and most sophisticated
palace in the country. It is designed personally by Mahathir.
Everything about it is French. And the cost is RM200 million. I thank
my lucky stars that the plan to build a new official residence for the
Deputy Prime Minister was eventually abandoned. Initially, the cost
was estimated at RM40 million. I was reluctant to accept the opulent
design, but even after the architects had scaled down the project, it
was to me still too ostentatious. Finally, with Azizah's agreement, I
decided not to approve it at all.
As a high-ranking member of the administration, I often had to
articulate and implement key policies. And when these were policies
that I was personally unhappy with, I did so with great reluctance.
But I took every opportunity to emphasise poverty eradication,
low-cost housing, rural development, and small and medium-scale
industries instead of mega projects. And whenever the opportunity to
be bold presented itself, I criticised bailouts and the avarice of big
tycoons and I called for greater commitment to democratic practices
and the development of civil society. I even openly opposed
Mahathir's attempt to initiate a no-contest rule in UMNO divisional
elections, which was his way of pre-empting a possible challenge for
the presidency.
Corruption, Nepotism and Mirzan
On a number of issues, I maintained my silence and concealed my
revulsion against his intransigence and hypocrisy, which extended to
condoning corruption and other excesses. But in the two months that
I served as Acting PM, I had the opportunity to effectively assert
some of my beliefs. I presided over the drafting of a new and tougher
anti-corruption law in the face of objections by some Cabinet
colleagues, particularly over provisions allowing prosecution even after
a public official leaves office. Mohtar the AG had strong reservations
for reasons best known to himself, but the then Director-General of
the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) Shafie Yahya was with me and we
prevailed. This episode probably confirmed to some of Mahathir's close
associates their suspicion that I could not be relied upon to protect
their interests if ever I took over as Prime Minister.
My decision to proceed with the Perwaja investigations, including
probes into Eric Chia's affairs, and my statement in Parliament on the
issue must also have been irksome to a few people, including Mahathir
himself, for he had always been protective of Chia and he even, at
one point, cautioned me against continued investigations. And my
reference to V.K. Lingam being exorbitantly paid, as mentioned in the
Price Waterhouse report, unsettled a number of people. But how could
I, with a clear conscience, ignore the Perwaja scandal? It had cost
the government more than 5 billion ringgit in losses and the initial ACA
report had identified irregularities.
I must admit my naivete in believing that Mahathir would act if I
complained about corrupt practices I had uncovered, such as when I
told him of reports that Daim had taken out of the country cash
amounting to something between RM700 million and RM1 billion. I
realized I had committed a blunder as soon as I mentioned this
particular case. Mahathir was actually aware of it and my complaint
had alarmed him though he tried not to show it. I also reported Daim's
attempt to abscond with RM800 million worth of UMNO shares. He said
he would deal personally with Daim, but as far as I know the funds
have not been put in UMNO's account.
Our disagreements were particularly severe over amounts to be paid
as compensation for the shelving of the Bakun Dam project and in the
bailout of Mirzan Mahathir. It annoyed him that I insisted on the
amount approved by Price Waterhouse for Ting Pek Khing's
compensation. He wanted to give the RM1.6 billion which Ting
demanded, which was about double the amount approved by the
auditing company. In Mirzan's case, Petronas eventually paid RM1.7
billion for his Konsortium Perkapalan/Diperdana, although Mahathir
thought his son should get the 2.2 billion he wanted. Petronas and I
had insisted that the amount be decided by an international shipping
valuer. Mahathir probably never forgave me for this. This time he made
no bones about showing his displeasure. He kept sniping that his son
had lost money in the deal.
I also had to exercise great forbearance and patience in the face of
indignation and contempt for my relatively liberal ideas, particularly
after the publication of The Asian Renaissance. While I promoted civil
society, he disparaged it. International recognition and positive
reports in the international media did not help either. He would brook
no criticism, no matter how mild and reasonable. No one is too sacred
to escape his outbursts -- the environmentalists, opposition parties,
NGOs and human rights groups, intellectuals and Muslim religious
scholars and, of course, the media. It would not be out of character
for him to deny even literary and artistic freedom. The attacks against
me began well over two years ago. Everyone knows that the "Et tu,
Brute?" speech at the UMNO General Assembly was aimed at me.
The financial convulsions that have hit the region have also served to
widen our differences. I am accused of being supportive of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), as if that is naturally a bad thing.
The truth is that I accept only some of the IMF's prescriptions and I
have consistently called for a new global financial architecture. I make
no apologies for concurring with the IMF on the issue of corruption
and bailouts. I insist that assistance must be transparent and not
biased towards children and cronies.
Mahathir has adamantly refused to acknowledge the cracks and flaws
in our economic system. Instead of addressing the corruption in our
midst, he has accused other countries, especially those in the West,
of being corrupt.
Mahathir's Paranoia
I suspect Mahathir's decision to remove me had been resolved by
December 1997, although I did not sense it until February. But even
then, I did not anticipate that Mahathir, after years of working closely
with me, would act in such a despicable and shameless manner. I
proceeded with government and party work and made a conscious
decision to largely ignore the many warnings from my friends that
Mahathir's apparatchiks had been working round the clock to vilify and
malign me.
As the UMNO general assembly approached, Mahathir got more and
more paranoid. He had sleepless nights over the possibility of a
no-confidence vote being taken against him. He feared even the
appearance of any organised sign of discontent such as a banner
calling for his resignation or even just jeering from members of UMNO
youth. I told him I knew of no such plan, but he was adamant that
someone was out to topple him.
He was furious when Zahid Hamidi spoke on corruption, cronyism and
nepotism. He retaliated by releasing the privatisation list to prove that
his family and associates were not the only ones benefiting from UMNO
cronyism. This was a cheap trick. No differentiation was made
between projects worth a few million ringgit and those worth billions.
The main objective of the revelation, however, was to show that I
was not as clean as I claimed. But it wasn't explained that I had no
part in approving those projects given to members of my family or that
I was in fact unaware of some of them.
On the first day of the assembly, that calumnious book, 50 Dalil, was
freely distributed among the delegates despite my having obtained a
court injunction against it. Any intelligent observer would have seen
then that a campaign to completely sideline me had begun in earnest.
Not long after the assembly, Johan Jaafar, Editor of Utusan Malaysia,
resigned abruptly. Johan, like Ahmad Nazri Abdullah of Berita Harian
and Yunus Said of TV3, who were also forced to resign, were among
prominent journalists known to be close to me. The ground was now
being prepared for the notorious trial-by-media blitz that was to come
after my removal from government and party.
During the same period, Mahathir went on a nationwide tour and spoke
of "shocking measures" that the government might institute to solve
the economic problem. He was preparing the people psychologically
not only for the currency controls, but also for my persecution. During
this time, too, the Inspector-General of Police Rahim Noor was making
regular visits to Mahathir's office.
And then, in early August, Datuk S. Nallakarupan was arrested. "We
found bullets in his house," Rahim Noor told me when I inquired. "That
fellow was born in Madras. Rags to riches man. Very suspicious." I
appealed to him to do justice. He was to be charged under the ISA
and, if found guilty, would be hanged. I learnt later that the CID
presented him with prepared documents and asked him to sign them in
exchange for charges carrying lesser penalties. These statements
were in fact confessions to the effect that he had given me RM60
million, abetted me in treason and procured women for my sexual
pleasure. These charges and their obscene details, implicating me in a
variety of crimes ranging from treason to sexual misconduct, were
widely publicised by the media when, after my sacking, the police and
Mohtar the AG presented their affidavits against Nalla.
I knew that the game had been orchestrated from the very top
political leadership. I appealed to Mahathir to put a stop to it, but he
was evasive. Meanwhile, police were questioning my adopted brother
Sukma Darmawan and several of my friends. And Mahathir, Mohtar the
AG and Rahim Noor the IGP were insisting that I take a DNA test to
prove that I had not fathered an illegitimate child, as alleged in the
book 50 Dalil.
On August 12, Daim approached me just before a Cabinet meeting to
tell me that Mohtar the AG had informed him on the previous evening
that I would, that very morning, be charged for sexual misconduct,
offences under the OSA and possibly treason. I stormed into
Mahathir's office and demanded an explanation. During the altercation,
he admitted that Mohtar had asked for his clearance before charging
Nalla and 50 Dalil author Khalid Jafri. (Khalid had been charged with
publishing false news for lying about my fathering an illegitimate child.)
After listening to me a while, he called Mohtar on the phone and said,
"Wait for my clearance," referring to charges against me. We argued
for one hour. I asked what the charges were so that I could defend
myself before him. "I don't know the details," he said. "But you can
write an explanation." I asked why Daim was involved in this; he and
the AG seemed to be discussing the case on a regular basis. "I need
to consult someone," Mahathir protested.
On August 25 and 28, I wrote to Mahathir about the conspiracy to
shame me and destroy my political career. We had a number of
meetings at his office and residence and I could sense his animosity. I
challenged him to state his stand on morality. He had never been
known to be too concerned about the moral conduct of officials and
had even tolerated those bringing in women in private jets and
bypassing immigration. And he has yet to respond to Marina Yusoff's
allegation of sexual impropriety involving himself and his colleagues.
Marina, who used to serve in the UMNO Supreme Council, made this
allegation in a speech before thousands at my house after my sacking.
Not only is he tolerant of sexual immorality, he has even prevented
the prosecution of ministers against whom the ACA had evidence of
serious corruption. And in his Cabinet, there is even a suspected
accomplice to a murder.
I asked him: "You mean to say that a person is not qualified to
become PM because of sexual misconduct?" He didn't miss the
sarcasm and dared not answer. And then he said: "But you are
different, more religious. I cannot allow you to inherit this post and
responsibility." I said: "Enough of this hypocrisy. I accept the
conditions (for inheriting his office). But don't fabricate lies." Then
I
asked: "What is the real issue?" He would not answer.
Meanwhile, Rahim Noor the IGP, Mohtar the AG and Chief Justice
Eusoff Chin were seen several times going to his office and residence.
And here we have Mahathir suddenly singing praises about how
independent our judiciary is. What business had the Chief Justice in
making regular visits to Mahathir's residence?
The resignation of Bank Negara's Governor and Deputy Governor
further infuriated him although I don't believe this contributed to my
sacking.
Mahathir Loses His Marbles
Mahathir chose to wait until after he had announced the new financial
controls before giving me the ultimatum to resign or be sacked. On
September 1, he called the Mentris Besar (State Chief Ministers) for a
meeting, where he lied through his teeth about my alleged sexual
indiscretions. And he used indirect threats against them to ensure
their support. The next day, at 12.45 in the afternoon, he told me:
"Resign or be sacked with grave consequences." My retort was
unhesitating. "I'm innocent and I'll have to expose your conspiracy," I
said. "You are the investigator, prosecutor, judge. You fabricate lies
for your own political agenda. It's going to be messy, I can assure
you. I will not resign. But I will still consult Azizah."
Mahathir had been sure that I would resign for fear of retribution,
arrest and the shame of facing such gross charges in court.
Furthermore, according to his perverted understanding of Asian
values, "a loyal subject should die rather than disobey the emperor."
My decision to face dismissal instead of resigning was according to the
dictates of my conscience and my tenacity of purpose. I was aware of
a conspiracy at the highest level to protect the corrupt and conceal
abuses. It was good that I did anticipate Mahathir's ultimatum, but
the unfolding of events was turbulent and traumatic, and beyond my
worst expectations. We are dealing with an old wounded lion who is
desperate to keep his hold on power. The man has lost all his scruples
and, indeed, his very sanity.
At 5.30 p.m. I received the letter of dismissal. That night, before a
large crowd that had gathered at my house, I gave a speech outlining
the events leading to my sacking and anticipating further fabrications.
Mahathir struck quickly. On the morning of September 3, four
affidavits containing wild, scandalous, unsubstantiated allegations
against me, who was in no way related to the criminal proceedings in
hand, were served on Datuk Nallakaruppan (who was charged with a
death penalty offence under the draconian Internal Security Act.) The
affidavits were produced in court by the prosecution at about 9.35
am. Nalla's lawyers opposed the affidavits on the ground that their
contents were irrelevant to the offence. The judge, Wahab Patail,
who is the brother of Abdul Ghani Patail, the Chief Deputy Public
Prosecutor handling the 10 charges against me, adjourned the hearing
to 2.00 o'clock that afternoon in order to hear and rule on the
objection. Nalla's counsel applied to have the affidavits embargoed
pending the judge's ruling but the judge refused, saying the affidavits
"had been filed and had, therefore, become public documents." This is
indeed a startling decision, because every lawyer worth his salt knows
that an affidavit does not become a "public document" unless and until
it has been read in court. To publish the contents of the document
before it is read in court constitutes a serious contempt of court. (NB:
This same judge was the one who dismissed as "scandalous" the
averments in my wife's affidavit supporting my habeus corpus
application on October 28. In fact, my counsel objected to his hearing
the case on account of the obvious fact his own brother was the
chief prosecutor.)
Consider how farcical this entire episode was. On the one hand Wahab
Patail deemed it necessary to adjourn the hearing to consider the
admissibility of the affidavits. On the other hand, he ruled that the
affidavits were public documents and could be made available to the
Press for immediate publication. Indeed, the Malay Mail, an afternoon
daily, published the affidavits in a special edition, undoubtedly
designed to inflict maximum damage to my character. The next day,
the normally staid and squeamish Malaysian press went to town in an
orgy of slander against me. Nalla's own affidavit, alleging police
brutality while he was under ISA detention and their futile attempts to
make him sign statements incriminating me, was virtually obliterated.
Daim and Other Sycophants
I am not surprised by the ferocity and viciousness of the media
campaign to vilify me. After all it is masterminded by no less than Daim
himself, through his side-kick Ahmad Sebi, a businessman and former
journalist who had tried many times in the past to persuade me to
mount a challenge against Mahathir from within UMNO. And now he
turns out to be one of Mahathir's chief sycophants, although in front
of me, he always spoke of Mahathir and Daim in the most
contemptuous and dismissive terms. Interestingly enough, Ahmad Sebi
was among the most vociferous and vicious in disparaging and
ridiculing Kadir Jasin, the Editor-in-Chief of the New Straits Times
Group. I gather Kadir has now to eat humble pie daily and take
instructions from Sebi, who once told me that Kadir "could not write a
decent sentence in English if his life depended on it."
Mahathir, Eusoff Chin and the Emasculation of the Judiciary
The Mahathir-controlled local media has played its role as
scandal-mongerer to the hilt in this case, insulting the intelligence of
their subscribers in the process. They have even questioned the
propriety of my support of Lim Guan Eng, another obvious victim of a
conspiracy between Mahathir, Mohtar the AG and Eusoff Chin the CJ.
My stand on the Guan Eng case was clear even before I was sacked.
Asked by a Malaysian student in London to comment on it, I said the
government may need to study and undertake reforms of the
country's law which punishes a person who exposes alleged
wrongdoings but takes no action against the person accused of such
wrongdoings. Any right-thinking person would find difficulty in
reconciling in his mind the fact that someone championing the cause
of a rape victim is in jail, while the rapist goes off scot-free. And now
this criminal has been hand-picked by Mahathir to be among his chief
spokesmen, to tell the public that I am "morally unfit" to become Prime
Minister.
Undoubtedly, the independence of the judiciary is of paramount
importance in ensuring the separation of powers, which is a cardinal
principle of any civilised democracy. Alas, instead of acting as a
fortress against gross abuse of power by the executive, the judiciary
under the rule of Mahathir has displayed a record of collusion, bringing
the administration of justice into disrepute. Beginning with the sacking
of Lord President Tun Salleh Abas in 1988, and the consequential
suspension of five Supreme Court judges who refused to bow to
Mahathir's wishes, this dictator has ensured that the judiciary remains
subservient to his caprice. Two of those judges were eventually
dismissed by a kangaroo tribunal. In what is now notoriously known as
the Ayer Molek case, where the plaintiff is controlled by one of
Mahathir's chief cronies, Vincent Tan, the Federal Court under Eusoff
Chin went overboard in criticising the Court of Appeal, which had the
moral courage to assert judicial independence by dealing with the case
on its merits and principles of justice. N.H. Chan's judgment
denouncing collusion between unethical lawyers working hand in glove
with corrupt judges would have been a classic instance of impartial
justice according to law and conscience and not justice dictated by
vengeance and greed. I took it upon myself to circulate the Appeal
Court's judgment at a Cabinet meeting, only to find out later that this
was seen as an attack against the Chief Justice, ipso facto Mahathir.
Likewise, my speeches on the rule of law in international conferences
did not sit well with the powers that be. In one speech, I said that
corporations are not known to be coy about exercising their power to
influence judgments in their favour. I also said there are only two
types of lawyers-those who know the law and those who know the
judge. I was told that in that particular instance Eusoff Chin the CJ,
who was at the conference, felt edgy and subsequently had sleepless
nights, pondering whether the statements were directed at him.
The current delay in the appointment of certain Federal Court
nominees by the Rulers' Conference is seen to be the result of yet
another attempt on my part to frustrate Mahathir's plan to stack the
court with judges who are prepared to do his bidding. I am not saying
this as a generalised attack on all members of the judiciary because
there are still many incorruptible and morally upright judges, but they
have already been penalised for doing their job without fear or favour.
To them I say: Be patient, for the truth shall prevail.
On the evening of September 4, the UMNO Supreme Council convened
a meeting which began with Mahathir saying, "Anwar has to be sacked
from the party for sexual misconduct." Before coming for the meeting,
the members of the council had already received faxed copies of the
police affidavits against Nalla, as if the day's media assault was not
enough. I also knew that for weeks Mahathir had had secret meetings
with UMNO Mentris Besar to psyche them for my eventual ouster.
Significantly, on September 1, the night before my sacking, Mahathir
summoned all the UMNO Mentris Besar for a meeting which in effect
was nothing but a trial in my absence. I was later informed that
Mahathir, acting as both judge and prosecutor, had found me guilty of
a number of sexual offences.
Nevertheless, contrary to reports quoting Mahathir, the council's
decision to sack me from UMNO was far from unanimous. The only
ones who clearly supported the dismissal were Megat Joned, Rafidah
Aziz, Sanusi Junid, Abdul Hamid Pawanteh and Tajol Rosli, who said:
"My philosophy in politics is, the boss is always right." A few voiced
support for me, but the majority wanted me to take leave pending trial
although, at that time, I had not yet been charged.
Reformasi Begins
The gathering at my house on the evening of Sept. 3 turned out to be
the spontaneous beginning of the Reformasi movement. Night after
night, thousands would turn up to show their support of my cause and
their disdain and contempt of Mahathir and his clique of corrupt
conspirators.
The authorities, unnerved by this unexpected wave of dissent, soon
began calling in my friends and members of my staff for questioning
and arresting some of them.
Sukma and Dr. Munawar Anees were arrested, incarcerated and
tortured into falsely admitting that they allowed me to sexually molest
them. Throughout their detention pending trial, they were denied
access to their lawyers. When they appeared in court, no one but the
blind could have failed to notice the evidence of physical and mental
torture on their persons. The trials, held in separate courtrooms, were
exceedingly speedy. They both made their admissions and were
sentenced to six-months' jail.
I am touched by the support of family, friends and others who believe
in me and the struggle for reform. It is indeed gratifying to see that
in
spite of the use of the formidable state apparatus to assassinate my
character, the support gets bigger and more vociferous with every
new attempt by the Mahathir forces to justify my persecution.
I must thank my loyal friends in UMNO, including party chiefs -- except
those in high positions -- who have voiced support for me in spite of
threats by Mahathir's office and the police. The Special Branch has
indeed become the Party President's personal tool for stifling dissent.
I
acknowledge too the role of NGOs, Muslim scholars, religious groups,
professionals and, particularly, people in the middle and low income
groups in making the Reformasi movement a force that must be
reckoned with.
I knew there would be support for me, but I certainly did not expect it
to be so overwhelming in terms of both numbers of people and
intensity of feeling. Every strata of society and all age groups are
represented in this people's movement to press for reform, although
the most visible are youths from both urban and rural areas. Malaysia
is undergoing a radical change, and I am confident that it is for the
better. The people can no longer stomach unjust policies and
practices; they want the freedom to speak and their rightful say in
the running of the country. The tide is irreversible.
Mahathir Desperate
The fervor of the Reformasi movement surprised Mahathir too. And as
his fear grew, he became more repressive. He has repeatedly said he
would leave once he receives a "signal" that he is no longer wanted.
The weekly demonstrations by thousands and the mass resignations
from UMNO are more than a signal; they are a deafening roar telling
him that he must go. He survives only because he is able to use the
instruments of government to create a climate of fear. Eventually, in a
desperate bid to remain in power, he will declare a state of
emergency. The hints are already there. A few of his unofficial
spokesmen, such as Rais Yatim, have begun to sound out this
possibility. After the APEC meeting, Cabinet ministers and other
officials will make direct calls for a state of emergency so that he can
say he has no choice but to declare it.
It was gratifying to see Malaysians of all racial and social backgrounds
rallying to the call for reform. Although the government-controlled
media downplayed, completely ignored or tried to discredit the
gatherings at my house, the crowds grew larger by the day and
shouts of "Reformasi" and "Mahathir resign" grew louder. Finally, after
a week, I had to accede to requests for a "road show" for the benefit
of supporters who could not make the trip to Kuala Lumpur to listen to
speeches by Reformasi leaders.
The nationwide tour proved to be a resounding success not merely
because of the huge turnout but more so because of the
unprecedented show of opposition to Mahathir. The anger came to a
climax at the Dataran Merdeka gathering, where Malaysians from all
walks of life, of all ages, and transcending ethnic and religious
differences gathered to denounce Mahathir and demand his
resignation. This has since been followed by repeated and massive
demonstrations, a collective clamor of the people which Mahathir has
chosen to describe as mob-rule, hiding his shameless cowardice under
the mask of his usual arrogance. He continues to be utterly
contemptuous and dismissive of the voice of the people.
The push for reform must continue. Why should the people continue to
be beaten up by the police, or locked up for exercising their
constitutional right to assemble and express their loathing of the
Mahathir regime? Are the people expected to continue indefinitely to
endure the ranting and raving of a senile, power-drunk tyrant? Long
live Reformasi.