December 2006  Edition



News analysis and analytical perspectives from India and the sub-continent


Quotas Versus Merit

Does Merit Really Matter?

As all manner of Indian intellectuals have weighed in on the debate that pits quotas versus merit, various arguments downplaying (or even denigrating) "merit"  have been gaining currency amongst a section of India's politicians, journalists and non-scientific academics. A humanities professor at IIT-Mumbai  tried to argue that because "merit" isn't applied uniformly in the socio-economic sphere in India, one ought not be too perturbed over its sacrifice in India's centrally-funded institutions of higher learning. Moreover, he argued that merit was a concept that was "over-emphasized" because it was so fraught with human subjectivity and contextual sensitivities that it wasn't really possible to truly determine who was "meritorious" anyway. Jayati Ghosh (a British-educated JNU academic in the Prime Minister's Knowledge Commission) was cynically dismissiveof the merit argument,opining that the IITs weren't institutions of merit anyway presumably because a Chinese study (of rather limited value and significance) had determined that because the IITs had produced no Nobel Prize winners, they could not be considered as institutions of any international import. Even though Ms Ghosh is neither a scientist nor an engineer by training (and does not appear to be particularly familiar with the biased methodology that was used in the Chinese study) Ms Ghosh enjoys the luxury of being taken seriously because of her political connections with the CPM.

But the fact of the matter is that the average per-capita research output of IITs faculty members comes in at roughly 2.5 peer-reviewed papers a year.  In Asia, this is exceeded only by researchers at Japan and S. Korea's  top institutions in Tokyo and Seoul. Besides, the 2.5 figure for the IITs would be somewhat higher if original presentations in Indian national conferences were also included. In conference after conference (including those attracting top-notch international scientists), in several cutting edge fields of science and modern technology, it is the IITs (along with the BHU-IT, IISc, TIFR, BARC, CSIR Labs and other related government-sponsored institutions) that are playing a crucial role in keeping Indian science and technology abreast with the rest of the world. In fact, notwithstanding the result of the Chinese study, a recent British study ranked the IITs as third-best amongst the world's engineering universities.

The truth is that the very demand for quotas in the IITs, IIMs, AIIMS and other such institutions stems from the explicit (or sometimes implicit) recognition that these institutions represent quality that is unmatched by most other institutions of higher learning in the country. After all, there are poorly staffed government colleges in the country too - but there is little clamor for reservations of seats in such colleges. Notwithstanding Ms Ghosh's cheap shots at the IITs, the IITs have earned a reputation for excellence that has not come by through mere accident or inflated propaganda.

The fact that the IITs have earned such  a reputation, but other Indian institutions have not can only suggest that somewhere in the equation, merit might actually matter, and if not, there must be some other quality criterion that only the IITs are able to fully meet. A more complex argument that has been advanced by votaries of the extended quota-raj is that the IITs are institutions that create merit. They have attempted to argue that candidates admitted through quotas become meritorious after they complete the program, and hence, "excessive" insistence on merit at the time of admission is uncalled for.

Yet, unfortunately, the concrete data reveals otherwise. Extensive internal (and a few externally available) studies have revealed that most students with inadequate prior preparation and understanding tend to either fail the program altogether, or drop out, or take seven years to complete just the undergraduate program, or else, pass with below average grades. If anything, the data proves the converse - that students who did well at the school level and at the higher secondary level are the ones who are most likely to continue doing well at the IITs. The IITs do not seem to be able to create "merit" out of thin air - rather, they only enlarge the knowledge base and skills of those who have already earned a degree of skills prior to their IIT enrolment.

That prior preparation matters is also borne out by many studies in the US. It is much easier to graduate High School in the US than in most other developed nations. American students are able to graduate with far weaker maths, science and language comprehension skills than Indian students. However, when these poorly trained students enter college, all the weaknesses in their childhood educational foundation become exposed. A signifcant proportion of students either drop out, or take seven years to complete, or graduate with what are well known to be easily passed "fluffy" courses. Likewise, it may be pointed out that more than half of all US science and technology PhDs are awarded to students who received their undergraduate education outside the US.

The implications are obvious. In the long run, there is no substitute for a strong childhood educational foundation. Quotas can compel IITs to admit lesser-prepared students, but quotas cannot guarantee that such students will even pass or complete the course. These are issues that virtually all the advocates for quotas are willfully ignoring. In part, this is because the vast majority of India's politicans and opinion makers have little grounding in maths and science. As is only too well-known, throughout India, with few exceptions, students who are poor in scientific and mathematical reasoning end up in the humanities or social "sciences". It is very difficult for such individuals to fully comprehend the concept of merit.

Merit Matters

In addressing the epistemological flaws implicit in the anti-merit pro-quota arguments, it is important to be clear about what "merit" should and actually does signify in our modern environment. By and large, "merit" is viewed as a badge of competence. Although quota-advocates may be quite dismissive of merit in the context of IIT quotas, it is very unlikely that when it came to treatment of their own seriously ill children, these individuals wouldn't go out of their way to seek the "best" medical help. In fact, even when it came to mundane tasks such as getting a carpenter or a plumber to fix things in their homes, quota advocates are unlikely to pick a bad carpenter or a bad plumber just to ensure quota-based representation. In modern city life - even in India, Indians no longer inquire about caste when hiring skilled workers - they try and use their best judgement to gauge if the person they hire can actually do a good job. That judgement may be based on reputation, a brief questionnaire, record of previous work, or qualification or certification. Notwithstanding the politics of quotas, in real life, Indians do make choices that appear to be merit-based.

But even as urban Indian society is in practice attempting to reward merit, (and hence, by implication, transcending caste) India's politicians and pro-quota advocates are going through bizarre intellectual contortions in trying to discount the value of merit in admission to India's leading institutions of higher learning and crystallize a new form of caste-based entitlements.

Sociologists who argue that "merit" is too vague or subjective are missing the point that the solution to the "vagueness" or "subjectivity" of merit is not to bypass merit altogether, but rather, to constantly refine and improve our criterion in measuring and determining merit.

Throughout the world, in the absence of other better metrics, standardized testing has become the manner in which educational institutions have tried to measure merit. To the extent that "merit" relates very precisely to achievements in certain standardized tests that are administered in a manner that is transparent, uniform, and caste-blind, "merit" cannot be treated as an mere subjective category. One might debate the efficacy of such tests, but it cannot be emphasized enough that testing students for adequate preparation is a routine and established phenomenon in the entire world's educational process. As students graduate from one class to another, from Primary School to Middle School to High School and then on to College or University - they are constantly subjected to tests that strive to determine their academic attainament and abilities at each level. Students who fail their tests at a certain level are then prevented from going forward.

Implicit in this process is an important assumption that critics of merit are wilfully (or unintentionally) ignoring:  that each level of successful learning in the our modern educational system requires a certain level of prior training and preparation. Students learn to read and write before they are asked to cope with subjects that require understanding difficult and complex texts. They learn to spell easy words before they learn more difficult ones. They learn to count before they are asked to add and subtract. And if they haven't learned to add, they can't learn to multiply, and so on. 

Educators might disagree on the specific methods used to determine a students capabilties, but they would all endorse the need for some level of screening so as to ensure that students who graduate to a higher grade can actually learn the more advanced material that will be presented to them. "Merit" is nothing but an attempt to quantify and concretize this grading or screening process. 

It isn't too hard even for a lay person to understand that a good architect must have a sound knowledge of building materials and structures, that a doctor must have a thorough understanding of human biology and pharmaceutical chemistry, that an engineer must have a good understanding of the applicable laws of nature, and that a language teacher must have a good vocabulary, a clear grasp of grammar, and good communication skills

While individual evaluations of such skills (through personal interviews) can indeed be subjective and skewed by personal biases, standardized tests - such as those administered by the IIT at the undergraduate level strive to eliminate precisely such subjective distortions. To the extent that such tests are also relevant to determining crucial skills that will be essential or important in the course of an IIT program, achievement in such tests can then be construed as a fairly reasonable indicator of "merit".

Although it is not difficult to damn "merit" when speaking in vague generalities, when notions of "merit" are tied to accurate assessments of specific and quantifiable skills that are contextually relevant and appropriate, it becomes harder to be dismissive of the concept. In abstract discussions of merit, it is easy to muddy the picture - to make it seem as though merit is an ephemeral quality that is questionable or indeterminate, but in concrete circumstances, and even in our day to day lives, we make all manner of decisions that are premised on merit. For instance, patients from across the country come specially to AIIMS for medical treatment. Underlying their preference for treatment at AIIMS is a subtle assumption about the relative "merit" of its doctors. If "merit" were just an arbitrary philosophical construct unrelated to anything tangible and devised only to "suppress the lower castes" why would India's sickest patients (from all caste categories) struggle and sacrifice to get appointments at AIIMS?

Clearly, to ordinary people, merit matters. And it matters most when it comes to issues of health. Those who deal with patients day in and day out also know this. Knowing how each organ works, how it might get diseased, and how different drugs may act on the human body is very precious knowledge - to argue that tests that try to measure such knowledge and the understanding that derives from such knowledge is irrelevant (or only partially relevant) can only be the work of quacks and charlatans. If merit were as irrelevant in the field of medicine, or as impossible to quantify as some claim, one could just as well seek the services of a traditional village witch doctor.

Merit Can be Measured

In the humanities, and even in some of the social sciences, it can sometimes be very difficult to quantify merit - but to the extent that the laws of nature have a certain degree of predictability and determinacy - a students understanding (or interpretation and application) of those laws in the physical sciences can be measured with a degree of exactitude that isn't always possible in the humanities. Likewise, mathematics is a rather exacting field that disallows the sort of unscientific subjectivity people in the humanities seem to relish. While there are still many unknown facets of human biology, at least what is known can be tested through non-discriminatory means. For that reason, "merit" (when equated to schemes that test the scientific knowledge and related capabilities of a student ) is seen as far less controversial or ambiguous concept in the scientific/technical community.

In fact, if social scientists were a little more committed to the scientific method, more objective criterion to measure merit in fields such as history or political science could also be developed. In fact, the irony is that some of the richest debates on the scientific method, on epistemology have taken place in ancient India. Ancient scholars paid valuable attention to the philosophy of knowledge acquisition. There were debates on how much data one must gather before drawing analytical conclusions. There were debates on the accuracy, relevance and authenticity of data. There were debates on methods of arguments - on arguments that were epistemologically flawed. Many of those old debates are still illuminating.

In fact, although there has been a world-wide secular trend towards seeking greater accuracy even in the social sciences (or at least improved analytical methods), too many Indian academicians from the non-exact sciences take the epistemological position of "eel-wrigglers" - instead of making the mental exertion to improve upon  criterion for determining merit in the inexact sciences, they take the easy way out by adopting equivocal positions, or worse - they run away from the real issue by raking up unrelated or spurious controversies, such as diffusing the value of merit even where it may be serving a very constructive purpose.

Take the argument that since merit is not employed across the board, there ought to be no misgivings about discounting merit in India's best institutions of higher learning. This is an utterly specious argument because if merit is an important and valuable social construct, it should be protected and extended, not cynically disposed off. The real problem is NOT that the IITs are using merit-based criterion in their admissions, but that too many other Indian are not paying adequate attention to defining merit and screening accordingly.

The problem in India is hardly too much merit, but rather, not enough. 

Another problem that is inherent in the rejection of merit is what should replace it?

While there can be many complexities in determining merit (and more so in some fields), what the detractors of merit haven't realized is that to abandon merit opens up far more dangerous and problematic philosophical issues. If merit is to be abandoned as a social construct, then what should replace it?  Even if it were true that students without adequate prior training and preparation could handle advanced scientific or technical educational programs (which isn't the case) there would still be the moral dilemma as to what other criterion should substitute for test scores in entrance exams?

This leads us to the very problems that some quota-advocates appear to critique - the arbitrariness that results from not insisting on merit - if not merit - then what ? The subliminal suggestion is that since the caste system was a non-merit system, replacing it with some form of apparent "reverse" discrimination can be justified.

What the advocates of such views don't seem to realize is that creating a new set of entitlements that shuns merit creates a dialectic that only reinforces the addiction to non-merit entitlements; whereas a sincere commitment to merit can create a breakdown of the attitudes that justify a society of caste-based entitlements - abandoning it creates the very arbitrariness in which social inequities such as caste-discrimination thrive and flourish.

Properly used, merit is the one criterion that can be used to destroy caste and nepotism, as well as gender discrimination and all other froms of arbitrary and sectarian aspects that needlessly divide contemporary Indian society.

Finally, it cannot be emphasized enough that in a globalizing Indian society, merit is the only virtue that will give Indians a somewhat level playing field in the international arena. Indians can afford to sacrifice merit only at the cost of international competitiveness. A nation that is so dependant on imported industrial raw materials, and that is still dependant on imported capital goods can hardly afford the luxury of abandoning merit. Substituting quotas for merit is a backdoor way of undermining the nation. India's politicians - in their myopic zeal to defend narrow and sectarian interests are betraying the larger interests of the nation as they cynically expand the Quota-Raj. While Prime Minister Manmohan Singh must take primary responsibility for this policy of crass political opportunism, Sonia Gandhi (as President of the main ruling party) cannot escape blame as a wrecker and destroyer.

While India does need affirmative action to ensure that all children receive equal opportunities in education at the primary and secondary levels, quotas at tertiary levels are mostly unproductive. Children who are most disadvantaged rarely benefit from quotas at the tertiary level. But excessive quotas at the tertiary level not only play havoc with the morale and motivation of meritorious students, they will ultimately serve as a drag on the progress of the nation.

India's pseudo-left and liberal politicians have formed an unholy alliance with narrow-caste based politicians in mortgaging the future of the nation.

Consequently, India will need a valiant movement to resurrect and rehabilitate the virtues of merit. If such a movement does not materialize, India is condemned to a path that will undermine its full potential, and restrict it to at best, a second-rate nation -  always dependant on more advanced nations for scientific and technological leadership. And as a corollary, it will also remain a sattelite of economically and politically more powerful nations.



Editorial Note:  As already mentioned in this article, the intent of this article is not to undermine or diminish the continued relevance or importance of affirmative action in India. As various studies have already shown, there are grave inequities in terms of access to quality education which urgently need to be rectified. In many villages and even small towns, caste continues to play a retrogressive role in Indian society. However, it is also quite apparent that not all OBCs are equally oppressed or disadvantaged.
While MBCs amongst the OBCs may still be quite disadvantaged, there is clearly quite a sizeable creamy layer within the broad OBC category. In many villages, OBCs are the dominant caste, and the gap between forward OBCs and the traditional upper castes is statistically insignificant. In some states (such as Bengal) the Economic Times recently reported that the average income of OBCs now exceeds that of other castes (including Brahmins and other once more privileged castes). 

Not only are all OBCs undeserving of affirmative action, there are other disdvantaged sections of society that may be equally (or more) deserving of affirmative action. As is becoming more apparent (and especially so in urban India) class is becoming an exceeding more decisive factor in determining access to vital social services such as health and education. A Brahmin child who grows up in a slum  (especially in a female-headed household) enjoys few privileges over other slum children. Gender, physical differences, sexual or romantic orientation - all these factors can impinge on the well-being of a child's development and create barriers to genuine equal opportunity. To continue to focus exclusively on caste differences is clearly perverse, and dilutes the entire moral and ethical foundation of healthy affirmative action policies.

Moreover, as the above essay attempts to illustrate, even when justifiable, affirmative action policies ought not to be framed in ways that jeopardize other important social criterion such as merit. In addition, affirmative action policies shouls not merely be band-aids or symbolic entitlements for narrow social groups but should help tranform entire communities. When it comes to science and technology, the main hindrances are inadequate teaching at the primary and secondary level. In addition, because English has become the de-facto language of science and technology - familiarity with English - especially technical English takes on significance. It is now widely accepted that languages are best taught at the primary level.

This means that affirmative action policies (if they are to be truly viable and effective) must be effected at a very early age. These could either be in the form of scholarships or specially subsidized schools properly equipped and staffed for training disdvantaged children in maths, science and english. There could be a central scheme where disadvantaged youth with potential for excelling in science could be picked from every district and offered free textbooks and special coaching classes.

Quotas are just are one form of affirmative action, and often the least appropriate form of afformative action -  especially when admission policies are otherwise transparent and non-discriminatory. The angst of India's students protesting quotas isn't merely about defending "upper caste privileges" as some cynically claim (although in individual cases, that may be so.) Even for an upper caste child, an IIT or AIIMS admission is often achieved through a certain degree of sacrifice and considerable mental focus and personal resonsibility. This aspect ought not be entirely ignored.

Finally, it cannot be underlined enough that affirmative action cannot be a substitute for the failure of government to provide adequate educational facilities at all levels. Caste quotas have become a convenient mask for political parties to conceal their studied indifference towards the provision of mass quality education. This must be vigorously exposed. For instance, prior to their relatively recent modernization, caste-like features existed in both Korea and Japan. But historic caste disadvantages have been much more effectively mitigated by ensuring that every child has access to quality education at all levels. This has been a key factor in the secular rise of these leading nations in science and technology.

Nothing less than Quality Education for All should be the maxim for tomorrow's India. After all, even if quotas were truly efficaceous (which they are not), it would still leave millions of Indian children short changed - without access to achieving their full potential. Genuinely progressive activists should understand that the whole debate on case quotas has been a diversion from what should be the real debate - how to ensure quality education for all at all levels.

While there is a real danger that quotas could compromise merit, there is no conflict between Quality Education for All and Merit. Those truly concerned about India's should not let the bluff and bluster of cynical politicians distract the nation from reaching towards a future where there is genuine equal opportunity for all - something that requires a commitment to mass quality education at all levels - not mere quotas for a select few that may or may not be always deserving of them. Merit and Social Justice need not be at odds. They are both important ingredients of an advanced civilization.

About the author: Shishir Thadani earned his undergraduate degree from the IIT Delhi prior to earning a Master's degree from Yale University. He has written extensively on the history of Indian science and civilization, and is particularly interested in the progress of science, technology and modern civilization in India.



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