Executive Outcomes:
Arming For The Post-Nation State Era

by Roger Moore

Printed in The Executive Intelligence Review, August 22, 1997.

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When the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency hosted it's one-day symposium on the privatization of national security functions in sub-Saharan Africa, the guest list included five representatives of Sandline/Executive Outcomes, Eeben Barlow, Michael Grunberg, Col. Bernie McCabe (USA-ret.), Tim Spicer, and Nic Van Den Bergh. The British targeted the special forces capabilities of the famed South African Defence Force 32 Battalion, which worked with Savimbi in Angola to hold the large Cuban troop presence there at bay. With its disbanding, elements went into the Executive Outcomes hiring hall data base, for potential service for the mining cartels, and others were used for the countergang teams that conducted the blind massacres in the early 1990's. In both cases, the deployments signaled that there was a faction of the Afrikaner elite, putting itself, like General Smuts, at the service of the Empire. In a recent interview, Van den Bergh, spokesman for EO, poured out derision for the United States, lying that it was the U.S. who had replaced one dictator for another in Zaire, a blatant falsehood which covers for Britain's central role in the Great Lakes genocide.

Executive Outcomes' famous contracts in Angola and Sierre Leone were coordinated by SAS veteran Tony Buckingham with EO's Eeben Barlow. Buckingham had been set up with a pocket oil company, Heritage Oil and Gas in Oman, a traditional British Intelligence/SAS staging point. George Bush's intelligence shadow, Theodore Shackley, worked closely with the British and the Lord Cayzer freight/shipping empire apparatus out of Oman. Shackley supervised Dutchman John Deuss's oil smuggling to South Africa, which was supplied in large part from Oman. Sitting on the board of Heritage was Privy Council member David Steel. Steel spent his teenage years at the Prince of Wales school in colonial Nairobi, Kenya--in the middle of the so-called Mau Mau rebellion--where his father was head of the Church of Scotland.

Much of EO's armament came from former East Bloc suppliers. EO head Eeben Barlow, stationed in Europe in the mid-1980's for the Civil Cooperation Bureau, maintained contact with East Bloc intelligence services. Given South Africa's sale of the G5 into the Iran/Iraq weapons bazaar, which was jointly supervised by Bush and Thatcher, and the KGB and STASI, such a procurement channel should be of no surprise. The Soviet Union was also a prominent supplier of oil to South Africa, under the watchfull eye of the notoriously British influenced Africa Institute in Moscow. The East German STASI officer for black market and covert weapons sales, Schalck-Golodkowski, preferred to do much of his weapons dealing via South Africa. His point man for this, Dieter Uhlig, coordinated closely with the Empire's Lonrho concern, as the January 1986 protocol of Uhlig's meeting win London with Lonrho's executives, in the possession of EIR, documents. Defense Systems Ltd protected several Lonrho plantation operations in Mozambique, in one case using their Gurkha subsidiary.

In both Angola and Sierre Leone, diamonds and DeBeers were the name of the game. EO's armaments and officers were the core, with the addition of some local soldiers, which moved rebel groups out of dimaond areas. DeBeers runs in London the 4,000 employee strong Central Selling Organization (CSO) which maintains the global monopoly structure of the diamond business. It runs one of the most sophisticated intelligence organizations in the world, using the full gamut of tools of the trade, dummy front companies, covert spying capabilities, private intelligence firms, etc. Executive Outcomes's contracts, nominally with the respective governments, and, in part underwritten by International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank arrangements in the finances of the target countries, were paid off with diamond concessions to a Buckingham front company, Branch Energy. Although not formally DeBeers, Branch operates within the contractual domain of the CSO, like many other so-called independent diamond operations. Later, Buckingham took the Sierre Leone and Angola Branch diamond concessions onto the Vancouver stock exchange, as DiamondWorks, for purposes of stock puffing and probable money laundering. Robert Friedland, a former convicted LSD trafficker from his hippie days, set up DiamondWorks for Buckingham. And, yes, in the course of events, some South African ex-special forces people got to risk their lives, and pick up a fat paycheck too.

It is most likely that EO, basically a several man office with a computer data base, will operate in the shadow of such London SAS firms like Defence Systems Limited (DSL), which has been insidiously digging itself into every disintegrating region and nation of the world--like a maggots into rotting flesh. The more serious question than EO per se, is just how much of the Afrikaner establishment has signed on board to the British game of decimating Africa, it's nations and population, and recolonising with WWF style game preserves and mining domains, heavily protected by private security, as zones of stability in the midst of Terra Incognita of death and conflict. This question goes equally for the ANC and Nelson Mandela. Numerous reports point to the South African government tolerating opportunistically the foreign combat deployments of Executive Outcomes. Although the government is currently drafting legislation against mercenary deployments by South Africans, it will probably only mean that the cartels must train "natives" to do the dirty work.

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The preceding article is a rough version of the article that appeared in The American Almanac. It is made available here with the permission of The New Federalist Newspaper. Any use of, or quotations from, this article must attribute them to The New Federalist, and The American Almanac.

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