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Opdateret den 02 september, 2000

Granma International

GRANMA INTERNATIONAL 1998. ELECTRONIC EDITION. Havana, Cuba


FROM THE
FOREIGN PRESS


That didn't we do to get rid of Castro?

• Declassified documents tell more tales

BY LINDA ROBINSON


Faking an attack on the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo was one of the options proposed to create a pretext for another invasion of Cuba.

MIAMI.- Cuban leader Fidel Castro, who will mark his 40th year in power on January 1, has lasted through eight U.S. presidencies. Some of America's efforts to dislodge him are well known, especially the Bay of Pigs invasion and the CIA's infamous assassination plots involving poison cigars, an exploding seashell, botulin pills, and Mafia hit men in the early 1960s. But the full history of U.S. attempts to unseat Castro remained sealed in government files until this year. During the course of 1998, an estimated 10,000 pages of documents have been quietly declassified.

One of the most startling documents - disclosed here for the first time - is an April 10, 1962, memo from the Joint Chiefs of Staff to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara urging that U.S. troops invade Cuba. Attached to it is a list of incidents that could be fabricated and blamed on Castro to justify an attack. The proposals were drawn up at the behest of the Kennedy administration, which remained obsessed with toppling Castro even after the Bay of Pigs fiasco, in which the CIA recruited and trained 2,600 Cuban exiles for a disastrous beach landing on April 17, 1961.

PRETEXTS FOR INVASION

In the 1962 memo, Lyman Lemnitzer, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs, argued that "the Cuban problem must be solved in the near future" and that "military intervention by the United States will be required to overthrow the present communist regime." A five-page addendum, titled "Pretexts to Justify U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba," presented several options:

· Fake an attack on the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo, Cuba, with friendly Cubans masquerading as attackers. They would lob mortars, burn buildings, and destroy aircraft before being captured. A variation: "Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims."

· Arrange for an unmanned vessel to be blown up near a major Cuban city. Americans would pretend to rescue members of the nonexistent crew, and "casualty lists in U.S. newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation." The document calls this the "Remember the Maine" scenario, after the battleship that exploded in Havana's harbor in 1898, sparking the Spanish-American War.

· Stage a "Communist Cuban terror campaign" in the Miami area. "We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated)," the Joint Chiefs suggested. "We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized."

· Plant arms in a Caribbean country and send in jets painted to look like Cuban MiGs, creating the appearance of a "Cuban-based, Castro-supported" subversion.

· Blow up an unmanned U.S. plane that would surreptitiously replace a charter flight of civilians, all provided with "carefully prepared aliases" so that they could disappear. The Cubans would then be blamed for downing a passenger plane. In one variation, unwitting U.S. pilots would pick up parachutes and phony crash debris scattered by a submarine or small boat.

"Although these schemes were never implemented, it is clear that the Pentagon was champing at the bit to invade Cuba," say Peter Kornbluh, director of the Cuban Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, a nonprofit research institute in Washington.

The Joint Chiefs were not the only ones who had come to believe that a full-scale invasion was necessary. In a 1961 assessment of the Bay of Pigs, declassified this summer, one of the operation's military planners, Col. Jack Hawkins, concluded that: "Further efforts to develop armed internal resistance, or to organize Cuban exile forces, should not be made except in connection with a planned overt intervention by United States forces."

That opinion was echoed in what may be the most important of the newly released documents, the CIA inspector general's report on the Bay of Pigs. This scathing internal critique has just been published this month with related documents in a book by Kornbluh, Bay of Pigs Declassified, which also includes an interview with Hawkins and the operational chief of the Bay of Pigs invasion, Jacob Esterline. In it, Esterline says he was disgusted at having to make payments for a mob hit on Castro. As more secrets trickle out, even spymasters may get a shock or two.

(Taken from U.S. News & World Report)

Ovenstående er kopieret fra Granma Internacional

 

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