Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, Baltiyul, Balti language, History Baltistan, Tibetan, Cultural , Linguistic Links, Ladakh, Gilgit, Human Rights violations

Up until the mid-twentieth century, ‘Little Tibet’, a denomination used for the Himalayan sub-division of Baltistan, and Ladakh (also known as Greater Tibet) were part of a single administrative entity within the State of Jammu & Kashmir, bound by common culture, ethnicity, civilization and history. Over time, social evolution helped the emergence of a unique blend of Tibetan and South Asian culture. However, the tragic events of 1947-48 that led to division of the Indian Sub-continent and State of Jammu and Kashmir, also affected Baltistan and her people. Since then, the disputed status, her transformation into a war-zone, and restrictions of free movement for her citizens between India and Pakistan has caused economic, socio-cultural and environmental destruction, and serious human rights violations.

Baltistan (‘Baltiyul’ as known to locals) comprises of the Indus, Shyok and Shigar valleys. The boundaries of contemporary Baltistan are defined by Gilgit in the west, Indian part of Ladakh in the east, Kashmir in the south, and to the north, along the crest of the Karakoram mountain range, the border with Sinkiang, China. One of the last western outposts of the Tibetan Empire, the arid and mountainous high altitude desert region of Baltistan is located on the edge of the Tibetan plateau. The entire area is characterized by the high mountains of the Himalayan, Karakoram and Ladakh ranges. The presence of numerous high peaks 20,000 feet above sea level, including K-2, the second tallest mountain in the world, has gained Baltistan world fame as ‘Paradise of Mountaineers’. The Indus River, which rises in southwestern Tibet and is augmented by the glacial Zanskar, Suru, Shyok and Shigar rivers, sweeps through the region after its course in Indian Ladakh. Glaciers, the longest in the world outside the Polar Regions, reaching sixty miles in length, surround Baltistan in the north and west, separating her from China and Gilgit. The region is abundant in natural resources such as minerals, innumerable variety of ferrous and non-ferrous elements, gems, and semi precious stones. The advent of peace, promotion of tourism, utilization of invaluable trade routes and exploitation of mineral wealth can transform Baltistan into the gateway to Central Asia, China and Europe for India and other South East Asian countries.

Supporting a total population of approximately 350,000 [[i]] in an area of 30,000 square kilometers, Baltistan comprises an admixture of diverse religious, ethnic, and linguistic communities, with Shias, Sufis, Sunnis, Tibetans, Arghons, Dards and Kashmiris coexisting amicably. The population of Baltistan (and Ladakh) is a heterogeneous mixture of Mongoloid Tibetan, and Aryan and Indian blood (Vigne 1844). As suggested by Tibetan scholar Jampal Gyathso, the authority on the famous King Gesar folk tales, the inhabitants, predominantly Tibetans and their mixed races, converged from the east and north, and settled in these mountainous regions several centuries ago. Social evolution over centuries helped the emergence of a mixed race, the Arghons, who today are the majority of the population in Baltistan. Local approximation suggests that Arghons make up more than half of the population, followed by Tibetans who constitute up to 35 per cent, while Tatars, Mons (North Indian people), Aryans, Dards and Indo-Iranians are among the minority. The majority of the population of Baltistan speaks Balti, an archaic dialect of Tibetan. It is a west Tibetan dialect, grouped with Ladakhi, Purigi, Zanskari and Lahouli [[ii]]. Today, approximately 93 per cent of the population considers Balti as their mother tongue. The remaining seven per cent are bi-lingual, speaking Purigi, Shina and Kashmiri along with Balti. The region is divided into two major religions – the Skardo district is predominantly Shia, and Gangche is majority Sufi Nurbaxshi (a Shiite-related sect) interspersed with Shia and Sunni minorities. Sunnis and Ahlehadith make up approximately seven percent of the population.

Balti tradition and culture is a blend of Tibetan, Islamic, Indian and Shamanic rituals, and is a reflection of the culture of Indian Ladakhi Muslims. Historical records show that after the collapse of the Tibetan monarchy in Central Tibet in mid-tenth century, the Tibetans shifted their rule in Ladakh and Baltistan and dominated the society. It is likely that during this era, Tibetan culture, language and religious traditions reached their zenith in Baltistan and Ladakh, and these regions went through an intensive Tibetanization process (Maraini 1961, in: Afridi 1988:28) [[iii]]. Tibetan civilization and language enriched existing cultures, and intermarriages took place between the pre-dominant Tibetans, and other Indo-Aryan, Iranian and Turkic races, which originated from south and west.

The ethnic and cultural development of Baltistan and Ladakh deepened during the Dogra Dynasty of Jammu & Kashmir (1830 – 1948), as the rulers consolidated both regions into one province called the Ladakh Wazarat (Wazarat is the Persian denomination for a province). This administrative unit functioned for over a century until 1948. The Wazarat was divided into Leh, Kargil and Skardo sub-divisions. Skardo, the capital of Baltistan became the winter capital of the Wazarat while Leh, the capital of central Ladakh, became the summer capital. The citizens of the province received political representation in the Council of Maharaja [[iv]]. The set up further enabled the region to strengthen trade and socio-economic links along with cultural development. Roads and bridges were constructed and a postal system was set up, thereby accelerating communication between the various valleys of the region and bringing people closer than ever in the past.

‘The Baltis to this day have remained essentially the people of Baltistan’s soil’, who are striving to preserve their ethnic and cultural color, and identify strongly with the people of Ladakh. The rich folklore and literary heritage of the Baltis; their poetry, proverbs, myths, epics, sagas, folk dances, wedding rituals, songs, festivals like Losar and Mephang, sports like polo and daphang (archery), costumes, cuisine and architecture are evidence of the Ladakhi identity. In the words of Dr. Michael Balk of the State Library of Berlin, who visited Baltistan in 2001, “Most Baltis I met are proud of their ancient past and of possessing a script of their own, even prior to the appearance of Islam”. They have engaged the question of whether ‘it is possible for a devout Shia- community – including two generations born after the partition of Baltistan and Ladakh – to distance itself from the cultural and linguistic ties that ninety percent of the Baltis regard as Ladakhi cultural and linguistic heritage?’ The oral traditions, which are passed on from one generation to another always remind Baltis of their rich Ladakhi heritage, which is unique and odd in an Islamic environment (Dryland 2000).

The partition of the sub-continent, followed by numerous wars launched by Pakistan against India over the State of J&K segregated ethnic communities on religious grounds. The events, which brought violence to the region, also affected the peoples of Baltistan (and Ladakh) – and resulted in the formation of a “Berlin Wall” within the Ladakh Wazarat. One can confidently say that it is actually the Ladakh Wazarat (the undivided province of Ladakh and Baltistan), which is most directly impacted by the on-going war. Baltistan and Ladakh, with similar ethnic and cultural traditions, have been separated for the past 56 years, which is an anathema for this peace-loving nation. War and conflict has deprived the local population of peace, free movement, and the right to utilize economic opportunities. More than 60,000 people from the border areas face unnecessary displacement and undesired re-locations. Further, the restriction on tourism near the border drastically limits the local economy. Human rights violations continue while Baltis sacrifice themselves for Kashmir and the Kashmiris, the way Abraham’s Ram did for Ishmael. The government has failed to provide the people of this region the right to live in peace without emotional and physical sufferings, and the presence of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) [[v]].

Unfortunate for the local population, the partition of the Ladakh Wazarat and Pakistan's war with India has blocked the principal trade routes, which were the backbone of the local economy. Many Baltis perceive this tragedy as an obstruction to the development of Balti culture and language [[vi]], and an impediment to economic prosperity. Before the armies restricted free movement, the local traders used numerous routes to travel to Srinagar, Leh, Kargil, Simla, central Tibet, Hotan and Yarkand. From partition until 1980s, Baltistan was cut off from thee rest of the world due to lack of roads. Today, subsidized supplies trickle in from Pakistan as the only source of vital goods when the region is cut off from the rest of the country for months due to avalanches and land slides on the only road linking Baltistan to Gilgit and rest of Pakistan. This road was built in the 1980s and until then, the only source of transportation to Baltistan, which is three times bigger in area compared to the Kashmir Valley, was by air, and dependent on clear weather.

An ancient civilization, abundant in natural resources, today Baltistan is poverty stricken. Due to Baltistan’s disputed status, the Pakistan government is not initiating long-term investments or large-scale development projects, thus depriving Baltistan’s inhabitants of their economic rights. The per capita income is less than one fourth of the national average of Pakistan. Composed of agrarian peasants, the majority of the population relies on horticulture, animal husbandry, subsistence farming, and unskilled and semi-skilled jobs for livelihood, which provide minimal opportunity for a largely illiterate population. Income earned during the summer is used to secure provisions of fuel to counter the winter cold (30% of the average income per person is spent on purchase of wood and kerosene oil every year), leaving little disposable income for economic development. Alarmingly low literacy (less than 20% for males, and non existent for females in some valleys), the absence of industries and proper roads, lack of energy sources, and an exponential population growth have forced thousands to leave the region for other parts of Pakistan in the quest for livelihood. Basics guaranteed in the United Nation’s Charter on Human Rights for every human being, such as clean drinking water, primary education and health services, are denied to the people of Baltistan by the failure of the government to invest in these vital sectors. In order to sustain the ever-shrinking household economy, parents are compelled to send their children to work rather than to school, thus depriving children of the right to education. In addition to this, the arrival and settlement of non-locals in recent years has further threatened the local economy as skilled, educated and resourceful newcomers successfully compete for jobs and commerce. The government has refused to sponsor development of Balti language and script. To date, Balti language is not taught in the local schools, even at the primary level. Regimes, both martial and civilian, have shown little interest in allowing Baltis to practice their faith without interference, or to develop faith-based educational courses for local institutions [[vii]], or practice their rituals, culture, and develop connections with people of same faith and practices across the LOC without fear [[viii]]. The censorship of the local news media restricts Baltis, as well as the vast population of Pakistan, from knowing the political and social reality in this backward and remote region.

The war has also created major environmental issues. The presence of armies, intelligence personnel, and their equipments and ammunition threatens wildlife and natural habitat. Many endangered species are illegally hunted by army personnel. Deforestation for illegal commercial sale is another form of devastation due to the enlarged military operations. The lack of accountability of the military has led to violations of local environmental customs and concerns. These environmental issues are further exacerbated by diminishing natural resources for winter fuel. As the government has failed to provide the means of heating and cooking through alternate sources, the right of the people to live in a clean environment is violated.

The theory of ‘development of under-development’ becomes truer with the passage of each day, as dependency on the federal government of Pakistan is higher than ever. As well as economic deprivation, social insecurity also poses a great threat to residents of Baltistan. The State Subject Rule (SSR), which protects the socio-economic rights of local citizens, was abolished in Baltistan (and Gilgit) in the 1970s. The government-backed settlement policy, and the resulting preferential hiring of non-local settlers, is ultimately changing the local demography. This shift is hurting the region as the unskilled and illiterate masses of Baltistan once again experience virtual slavery. The move affects the current balance of ethnic and religious groups co-existing peacefully in the region, leading to conflicts, and the success of a policy of ‘divide and rule’ by the regime. The true color of local culture and religious characteristics will fade away with the passage of time, causing an identity crisis among the locals and tearing at the social fabric of Baltistan.

The constitution of Pakistan makes no reference to Pakistan-controlled parts of the State of Jammu & Kashmir, the Northern Areas or Baltistan. Being part of the disputed territory of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, Baltistan has not been allowed to vote in national or provincial elections by successive governments, hence is barred from exercising political or basic human rights granted to citizens elsewhere in the ‘Fortress of Islam.’ The frustration among local residents leads to a lack of support for the Pakistani government.

To this date, the people of Baltistan (and Gilgit) are without representation in the assemblies. Token political institutions, like the district and regional councils, lack power to legislate. Revenue from utilization of local resources drains away to federal coffers in the capital of Pakistan, reminding one of the epoch of colonial exploitation. When the country witnesses elections every two years, ‘the Baltis are mere spectators in the entire electoral process. Without elected representatives, the sufferings of Baltistan’s residents remain unheard and unreported. This intensifies their misery due to the high-handed tactics and manipulations of the non-local bureaucratic establishment as local residents struggle to hold these self-proclaimed guardians accountable.’

‘Pakistan’s Foreign Office is the strict repressor of any move granting basic political rights to the people of Baltistan’ as it is considered weakening Pakistan’s claim on Kashmir in international forums. The issue has remained in limbo as each successive government leaves the matter for its successors to settle. The presence of intelligence agencies in the region, and inquisitive eyes on Baltistan’s citizens is a continual harassment and an indication of the distrust by the government of the Baltis. Lack of political resources and a firm control by the central government have worked as a deterrent to the growth of a mass political movement potent enough to pursue its goal in an effective manner. It is unfortunate that the Pakistani authorities deny political rights to the people of the Northern Areas on the premise that it is a disputed territory; and yet hold talks with India, while restricting any discussion on the status of the Northern Areas or Baltistan by claiming that the dispute is confined to Jammu and Kashmir provinces only. The entire area is hijacked with the promise of political rights for the region in the wake of the resolution of Kashmir dispute (Zia 1993).

The Baltis have suffered since 1948 when the division of the Wazarat deprived them of a local administrative province [[ix]]. The geographical limitations, and reduction in area and population provided the Pakistani authorities with an excuse to annex Baltistan to the Northern Areas in the late 1950s, despite the fact that Baltistan belongs to the Ladakh Wazarat, a fact acknowledged by Pakistan in her agreements with India and the UNO. [[x]] The undesired annexation of Baltistan to the Northern Areas [[xi]] has converted her citizens into a disenfranchised minority within this new framework. As a result, the Pakistani authorities have placed Baltistan on the verge of political threat. The involuntary incorporation of Baltistan into the Northern Areas means that Pakistan’s decisions regarding Northern Areas and its strategic importance will unnecessarily carry Baltistan along, and will undermine her chance to be re-unified with Ladakh.

The absence of a strong recognized leadership or political movement, does not imply that Baltistan is weak in its desire to exercise fundamental political rights. It boasts a distinct culture, identity, historical links, and linguistic connections and traditions of its own which separate it from the rest of Pakistan. While Pakistan still maintains that Baltistan (and Gilgit) is a disputed component of the State of J&K, the region has been denied any right to represent herself in an official capacity at conferences, meetings and discussions held to resolve the Kashmir dispute. The fact that non-Baltis, who in the eyes of Pakistani authorities, are more competent and deserving to represent Baltistan, albeit not related to this region in any way are representing her – is frustrating to a people who still wait for a role in their own destiny. While many view the Hurriyat Conference and the Kashmir Valley as ‘the legitimate successor to the entire State’, it is a source of resentment among Baltis who seek true representation. As the status of the entire State is still uncertain, decision-making cannot be granted to only one constituent (province) on behalf of the whole State. The fact that Ladakh (including Baltistan), Jammu, Gilgit and Kashmir are four separate provinces, dictates that each province have its legitimate representatives in talks regarding the future of the State [[xii]].

The best strategy for resolution of this dilemma is to continue dialogues among all factions and stakeholders. In seeking solutions for the Kashmir dispute, the interests of all parties have to be addressed in order to achieve a lasting resolution. When weighing the options, social issues such as culture, language, historical background, trade, and economic security should be considered. It is the basic right of the people of Baltistan and Ladakh to seek a reunification of Kashmir. The re-unification of the Ladakh Wazarat will maintain the secularity of the Jammu & Kashmir State. The Baltis must have a decision-making role in regional talks. If denied, they face another crisis similar to 1948, when the local population was forced into partition from Ladakh.

Baltistan must work in partnership with other stakeholders of the Jammu & Kashmir State to develop solutions amenable to all, in the promotion of long lasting stability and peace to the region. In good faith, the Pakistani and Indian governments should facilitate dialogue between parties on both sides of the LOC. Cultural troupes from Baltistan should be allowed to travel freely to Ladakh and vice versa. Student exchange and dialogue between politicians and intellectuals can promote the exchange of ideas and the re-birth of common identity. Print media, radio and television should be utilized to provide relevant local information accentuating the commonalities and minimizing the differences.

Religious and ethnic discrimination and the denial of basic socio-economic and political rights to the Subjects must come to an end in order for solutions to develop. Of utmost importance, the Pakistani government needs to re-establish State Subject Rule (SSR) in Baltistan. In the past, the vested interest of the regime have infiltrated the social make up and created conflicts among Hindus, Muslims, and Buddhists, both in Ladakh and Baltistan and in rest of the State, in order to maintain their hegemony. Such orchestrated conflicts feed ignorance and hinder economic development and social stability in South Asia.

At the present time, the division of the State between both countries seems a harsh reality for an indefinite future. Re-adjustments to the LOC, ensuing in a trade of Pakistani and Indian land of the State of J&K, may create a solution that is agreeable to both. A careful and detailed analysis of the movement of people, ethnic identities, their cultural connections and delivery of services or the lack thereof is essential to the outcome. Further, the awesome geography and climate of the landscapes has a day-to-day impact on the livelihoods, the movements, and the culture of people [[xiii]]. Adjustments in the LOC should firstly determine these factors to ensure that people of the region do not live in a perpetual state of war, but rather, help in unifying social groups with similar ethnic and linguistic connections and a common history.

References [[xiv]]

ACHA Peace Bulletin (2002) - http://www. asiapeace.org, June5 (August 30th 2002)

Afridi, B. G. (1988), Baltistan in History, Peshawar: Emjay Book International, 8 – 48

Balk, M. (2001), An Outsider’s view on a crucial Question: Some remarks on how to write the Balti language, Karachi: Dawn English Newspaper, November 2001

Dryland, E. (2000), Identity and change – Baltistan: A new perspective, Sydney Australia January 2000

Franke, A. H. (reprint 1986), Baltistan and Ladakh – A History, Islamabad: Lok Virsa Publishing House. First Published as ‘History of Western Tibet (1907), London

Grierson, G. A. (1909), Linguistic Survey of India – Tibeto-Burman Family, 3(I), Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1-37

Hasnain, M. Sengge Thsering (2002), Baltistan: Fifty Two Years of Agony; in: ACHA Peace Bulletin, http://www. asiapeace.org (June5, 2002)

Hasnain, M. Sengge Thsering (2002), Key Issues in Contemporary Balti Language and Script, Eight Himalayan Languages Symposium, University of Bern - Institute for Linguistics, September 2002

High Court of Judicature Azad Jammu & Kashmir [ n.d.], Verdict on Gilgit and Baltistan, (Vol. 1), Kuala Lumpur: Percetakan Zafar, Institute for the Study of Languages and culture of Asia & Africa

Kazmi, M. A. (1984), Balti Lok Geet (Balti Folk Songs), Islamabad: National Institute of Folk Heritage

Khan, Tarik A. (1998), Little Tibet - Renaissance and Resistance in Baltistan, Himal Magazine, Nepal: May 1998

Lamb, A. (1992), Kashmir – A Disputed Legacy 1846 – 1990, Karachi: Oxford University Press

Lobsang, G. Hussain (1995), The Balti Grammar, Berne: Berne University Switzerland

Rizvi, J. (1996), Ladakh – Crossroads of High Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press

Vigne, G. T. (1844), Travels In Kashmir, Ladak and Iskardo (Vol 2), New Delhi: Sagar, 1981, 1st. Indian edn. Originally published London:H. Colburn, 2nd edn. 1844, 248 - 276

Warikoo, K. and P. N. Pushp (2000), ‘Language and Politics in Jammu and Kashmir: Issues and Perspectives’; in K. Warikoo, Jammu, Kashmir & Ladakh - Linguistic Predicament, Himalayan Research and Cultural Foundation: Har-Anand Publications

Zia, A. (1993), Unrepresented and Unheard – People of the Northern Areas, The NEWS International Lahore October 22, 1993

[i] The Government of Pakistan conducted National Census in 1998, and declared the population of Baltistan to be 303,000. However, over 50,000 individuals were not included who were temporarily residing in other parts of the country or overseas.

[ii] Apart from Balti, the remaining dialects of west Tibetan are spoken in areas within the Indian dominion.

[iii] During this period, the traditional major sciences of arts and crafts, medicine, logic, philosophies, linguistics as well as poetry, astrology, drama and synonyms were introduced and developed. The patrons of Tibetan culture and religion formalized the utilization of the modern Tibetan script for writing as it revealed the richness of the language and adjusted to the phonetics. This further enabled the scholars to author numerous books on religion, secular histories and biographies afterwards.

[iv] “...the assembly was partly representative as some of the members were nominated by the Ruler of the State. Among them, four members were nominated from Wazarat of Ladakh; two were Buddhists from Leh, one Muslim from Skardo, and one Muslim from Kargil…~ the nominated members from Ladakh Wazarat, were:

Raja Jigmet Dadool of Stok, from Leh

Nono Thsewang Rinchan from Leh

Raja Fateh Ali Khan of Skardo, from Skardo

Mr. Ahmed Ali Khan from Kargil

[v] In 1988, a tribal group from NWFP attacked the Shia villages in Gilgit and Baltistan. The assault lasted more than a week and thousands of people perished during that time. It is strongly believed by local residents that the attack was designed to change the socio-religious demography of the region.

[vi] The fact that Pakistan was carved out of mainly Muslim-majority areas of India resulted in the division of ethnic groups all over the region, in Afghanistan, Iran, Central Asia and India. ‘The break-up of Pakistan in 1971 and the creation of a new independent Bangladesh was based in part on the language variable, which proved to be a more powerful ethnic factor than a common Muslim identity - the ideological reasoning for creation of Pakistan.’ Similar movements periodically challenge the integrity of Pakistan, movements which prevail in all provinces and regions of the country. Government circles are hesitant to allow ethnic and linguistic development except for Urdu, which they see as binding the country together (Warikoo and Pushp 2000 in: Hasnain 2002).

[vii] On 14^th August 2003 (Independence Day of Pakistan), curfew was imposed in Gilgit as local Shias burned government buildings and protested against socio-political repression. The protesters demanded that Islamic studies syllabi in the educational institutions of the Northern Areas include Shia interpretation of Islam, which the government denies to this day. This is the second such incident since 1999, when more than 30 political activists from the Gilgit region observed Independence Day of Pakistan as ‘Black Day’, leading to arrests. Some of them remain behind bars to date.

[viii] Although most Pakistanis may travel to India, people of Baltistan are denied visas even in normal circumstances, except to those who have immediate relative in Indian J&K.

[ix] The agreements of 1948 and onward between Pakistan, India and the UNO refer to Baltistan as Ladakh or the Pakistani-administered part of Ladakh. The UNO agreements clearly stated that Baltistan is the Pakistani administered part of Ladakh. On Page 140 (No 151) of “High Court of Judicature, Azad Jammu & Kashmir - Verdict on Gilgit and Baltistan”, the agreement between the government of Pakistan and Azad Kashmir is mentioned, as reproduced here:

“……the second part, postulated in part III, was relevant as by virtue of that part of the agreement, the sphere of administrative jurisdiction was divided among the component parties to the agreement. The matters assigned to the government of Pakistan were listed under caption “A”. These subjects were eight in number. It contained the responsibilities of the government of Pakistan in respect of all affairs of Gilgit and Ladakh, the area, at the relevant time [Baltistan under present circumstances, as the rest of Ladakh is under control of the Union of India], under the control of Political Agent, at Gilgit”.

[x] Technically, the Northern Areas comprises of Gilgit Agency, Gilgit Wazarat, Chilas, Hunza, Nagar, Koh Ghizar and the Tribal areas west and south of Gilgit Agency.

[xi] For more than two decades, the Baltis have struggled for creation of a separate administrative division for Baltistan. In year 2000, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Nawaz Sharif visited Baltistan. Local communities from all walks of life including the school children held rallies and demanded creation of a separate administrative division for Baltistan, which was implemented later during the same year. However, Mr. Pervez Musharraf, current president of Pakistan, barred implementation of the decision after staging the coup against Mr. Sharif.

[xii] In “Crisis of Kashmir (P17-18)”, Alistair Lamb has described the position of the State, as:[xii]… “In fact, the State contains at least five distinct regions. First, there is Kashmir proper, the so-called Vale along the upper reaches of the Jhelum River with its capital at Srinagar. Second, there is the State of Jammu, with its center at Jammu city. Third, there is the district Poonch: and fourth, the very extensive tract of Ladakh and Baltistan. Finally, in the northwest is the Gilgit region, comprising Gilgit, Gilgit Wazarat, Gilgit Agency, Yasin, Ishkuman, Hunza and Nagir. Mr. Joseph Korbel, Member of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP), in his book “Danger in Kashmir” at pages 5,6,92 and 202, has described the status of all regions of Jammu & Kashmir State as under, “The term (Kashmir), as is generally used (for the whole state), is actually not accurate. It applies (only) to one part of the entire country, the official name of which is the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The state consists of several regions. Its heart is the famous Vale of Kashmir. South of it is the Jammu province, to the east is Ladakh, and north of it, Baltistan; farther north are the regions of Hunza and Nagir, and west of them, the Gilgit agency, composed of several political districts. West of the Vale are the districts of Muzaffarabad, Riasi, Poonch and Mirpur……..The final shape of J&K state, therefore was articulated during the regime of Ranbir Singh. It was administratively divided into provinces of:

Jammu

Kashmir

Ladakh; and

Gilgit and Frontier Ilaqas (Regions).”

[xiii] Gultari and Shingo-Shigar valleys comprise approximately one fourth of the total area of today’s Baltistan. Before partition, these valleys were part of the sub division of Kargil within the Ladakh Wazarat. Unfortunately for her 11,000 inhabitants today it is cut off from the rest of Baltistan during seven months of winter. These valleys are surrounded by glaciers in all directions except toward the east, where a two hour journey leads to Kargil, the headquarter of the sub-division. Nowadays, in order to reach Skardo, the residents of these valleys have to travel for at least 13 hours one way. During winters, as snow restricts movements of vehicles, the sources of transportation change to draft animals. During these months, ailing patients are left in the hand of God to die. Schools in these valleys operate for only four months of the year. The government has not developed local infrastructure such as schools, medical dispensaries or clean potable drinking water. This is the coldest habitable region of Baltistan and worse so during winter months when poverty restricts every aspect of life. In a nut shell, they are left with only two options: either abandon their homeland and become refugees in other accessible parts of Baltistan or be allowed to join the Kargil district on the other side of the LOC, thus providing year round access to social and economic benefits.

[xiv] The reference list includes all sources cited directly as well as secondary sources of information and references within the primary sources for the interest of the reader and further research.

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